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Thread: KGB Operation "Bill Clinton"

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    Default KGB Operation "Bill Clinton"

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    KGB Operation "Bill Clinton"

    Mikhail Kryzhanovsky
    - 3/5/2012

    On December 31, 1969 Oxford student and anti-war activist Bill Clinton came to Moscow through Holland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and Finland for 5-days vacation at expensive "National" Hotel. The only person he knew in Moscow was Anik "Nikki" Alexis, a daughter of a French diplomat . Clinton recalls, "One night I took a bus out to Lumumba University to have dinner with Nikki" .

    On the bus back home, Clinton says, there was only one other passenger, Oleg Rakito, who "spoke better English than I did" and "asked me lots of questions and told me he worked for the government, virtually admitting he was assigned to keep an eye on me".

    The story is all fake. First, foreigners who can afford "National" don't use public transportation on January -30 C night. Second, KGB officer might reveal his identity to a foreigner if he's recruiting him only. Third, Bill Clinton was recruited, otherwise he would have left Moscow immediately and in panic.

    Instead, he enjoyed the rest of his vacation and went to Czechoslovakia, another socialist country. In 1969 Bill Clinton was 23 , perfect age – KGB tried to recruit young foreigners (students of Yale, Harvard, Columbia, Oxford) between ages 21-26 because:

    a) you brainwash them much easier and faster than adults
    b) you build their careers the way you want

    Bill Clinton shared the story with Hillary, of course. KGB, not Hillary Clinton, made Bill Clinton Arkansas Governor and then – US President.



    Governor Bill Clinton used drugs and was a sex maniac. Genifer Flowers tоld Sean Hannity's WABC talk radio show: "He smoked marijuana in my presence and and offered me to snort cocaine if I wanted to". Two Arkansas state troopers will swear under oath that they have seen Clinton ''under the influence'' of drugs when he was governor. Sharlene Wilson, a bartender, told a federal grand jury she saw Clinton and his younger brother ''snort'' cocaine together in 1979. Jack McCoy, a Democratic state representative and Clinton supporter, told the Sunday Telegraph that he could ''remember going into the governor's conference room once and it reeked of marijuana.'' Historian Roger Morris quotes several law enforcement officials who say they had seen and knew of Clinton's drug use.

    I wouldn’t blame Clinton for that – I worked with around 100 secret sources during my counter-espionage and espionage KGB career and for most of them alcohol, drugs and sex were just the “tools” to releave the stress and fear.
    Bill Clinton was and is scared to death that sooner or later some “mole” inside Russian intelligence might point finger at him.

    Bill Clinton tried to move America towards socialism through health care reform plan. His effort ultimately died, though Obama finished the job. Much more important – in 1997 Russia, totalitarian, 100% corrupted country with dying economy and dictator Boris Yeltsin ("Czar Boris") on top, joined the G7, a group of seven major industrialized democracies (USA, Canada, Great Britain, France, Italy, Germany, Japan). It was all KGB source Bill Clinton's huge effort which had no explanation at all - now you have it.

    How and how much Russians paid Bill Clinton ?
    In 1993 Vice President Gore and Russian Prime Minister Chernomyrdin signed a 20-year $12 billion deal under which Russia would ship its weapons-grade uranium to the United States.

    Bill Clinton in his over 1,000-page memoir My Life (2004) wrote actually nothing about this “deal of a century.” Look, “In the afternoon [April, 3, 1993] we [Clinton and Russian President Yeltsin] agreed on a way to institutionalize cooperation, with a commission headed by Vice President Gore and Russian Prime Minister Victor Chernomyrdin.

    The idea was developed by Strobe [Talbott] and Georgi Mamedov, the Russian Deputy Foreign Minister, and it worked better than any of us could have imagined, thanks largely to the consistent and concentrated efforts made over the years by Al Gore and his Russian counterparts in working through a host of difficult, contentious problems” [p. 507].

    “On January 30 [1996], Prime Minister Victor Chernomyrdin of Russia came to the White House for his sixth meeting with Al Gore. After they finished their commission business, Chernomyrdin came to see me to brief me on events in Russia and Yeltsin’s prospects for reelection” [p. 697].

    That's it.

    Questions:

    What idea was “developed” by Talbot?

    What extremely secret commission was “headed by Gore and Chernomyrdin”?

    Why Clinton was so happy that “it worked better than any of us could have imagined”?

    What “commission business” did Al Gore and his partner finish on January 30, 1996?

    Answers.

    At their summit meeting in Vancouver, in April 1993, President Clinton and President Yeltsin created the U.S.–Russian Joint Commission on Economic and Technological Cooperation. Since then it has become known as the Gore–Chernomyrdin Commission (GCC), after its co-chairmen US Vice President Al Gore and Russian Prime Minister Victor Chernomyrdin. The Commission’s original mandate was to support cooperation between the United States and Russia in the areas of space, energy and high technology.

    In fact it was a ruse to mask work on a non-proliferation agreement to convert highly enriched uranium (HEU) taken from dismantled Russian nuclear warheads into low-enriched uranium (LEU) fuel to be sold to customers in the USA and worldwide through the USEC (United States Enrichment Company). USEC was created in 1993 as a government corporation with the mission to restructure the US government’s uranium enrichment operation and to prepare it for sale to the private sector.

    Attention. On April 26, 1996 Bill Clinton signed into law the USEC Privatization Act.

    The HEU Agreement required the United States to purchase through USEC 500 metric tons, $12 billion worth, of HEU.

    Dead Russians.

    Three Russian statesmen tried to investigate the Clinton- Yeltsin deal - Ruvim Nureyev, Lev Rokhlin, Yuri Shchekotchikhin. All of them are dead.

    1. Ruvim Nureyev. The Russia Chief Inspector for Nuclear and Radiation Safety, who strongly opposed the deal, was found dead on the railroad tracks in June 1996. The incident was described as a suicide.

    2. Lev Rokhlin. The Russian State Duma Deputy Lieutenant General Lev Rokhlin was a politician of rare honesty and bravity. In 1998 Rokhlin started his own official Clinton-Yeltsin deal investigation. Lev Maximov, the Nuclear Technologies Institute Director, who helped Rokhlin to obtain the documents, received death threats.

    On July 3, 1998 Rokhlin was shot three times and killed in his house while he was sleeping. His wife, Tamara Rokhlina, was arrested and testified that she killed him “for reasons of personal enmity.” She later recanted her testimony, saying she incriminated herself under threat. Rokhlin’s bodyguard, who was there that night, testified that he heard no gunshots (the killers used a silencer).

    Within days three more dead bodies were found in the vicinity of the Rokhlin household and were cremated before they could be identified. In November 2000, Rokhlina was convicted of murder and sentenced to 8 years in prison, but the Supreme Court overturned the verdict and ordered a new trial.

    On October 2, 1998 the US Congress, taking into account that Lev Rokhlin was a former Russian State Duma Defense Committee Chairman, asked President Clinton to “urge the Russia Government to promptly and thoroughly investigate” the case. Of course, Bill Clinton was smart enough not to dig his own grave, and just ignored this RESOLUTION Expressing sympathy to the family and collegues of Lev Yakovlevich Rokhlin, and expressing the sense of the House of Representatives that President of the United States should urge the Russia Government to promptly and thoroughly investigate the circumstances surrounding the death of Lev Yakovlevich Rokhlin and to provide a full accounting of the circumstances as soon as practible, but no later than November 1999.

    Whereas Lev Rokhlin assumed the chairmanship of the Defense Committee of the Duma and was the highest-ranking elected official in the Duma working on Defense issues…

    Whereas Lev Rokhlin became involved in investigation of illegal arms from Russia to Armenia and other nations.

    Wheras in October 1997, Lev Rokhlin advocated the resignation of President Yeltsyn.

    Whereas attempts were made for 6 months to remove Lev Rokhlin from his Committee chairmanship.

    Whereas on July 3,1998, Lev Rokhlin was stripped of the chairmanship of the Defense Committee, but maintained his position as a member of Duma.

    Whereas on July 3,1998, Lev Rokhlin was shot in the head three times and killed.
    Whereas members of Lev Rokhlin’s family have stated that Rokhlin’s wife, Tamara Pavlovna Rokhlina, was physically abused and was threatened with death unless she accepted responsibility for Lev Rokhlin’s murder.

    Whereas Lev Rokhlin’s bodyguard, who was in the home the night of the murder, claimed that he heard no gunshots.

    Whereas three bodies were cremated by the Moscow government authorities before they could be identified.

    Whereas any inability of Russia to provide a full accounting of the circumstances surrounding the death of Lev Rokhlin would raise serious questions about the existence of a stable democratic system in Russia:

    Now, therefore, be it Resolved, That –

    (1)The House of representatives expresses sympathy to the family and collegues of Lev Rokhlin and :

    (2)it is the senmse of the House of Representatives that the President of the United States should urge the Russian Government –

    (A)to promptly and thoroughly investigate the circumstances surrounding the death of Lev Rokhlin;

    (B) to provide a full accounting of circumstances as soon as practible, but not later than November,1999

    3. Yuri Shchekotchikhin, a famous Russian reporter and corruption fighter, was elected to the Russian State Duma where he served as National Security Committee Deputy.

    After Rokhlin was murdered in 1998, Shchekotchikhin continued his investigation and concentrated his efforts in two directions: first, he tried to obtain the #1 Gore–Chernomyrdin Agreement (September 2, 1993), but President Yeltsin and then President Putin denied the requests. Second, he started a full-scale investigation into the Atomic Ministry corruption and — against Atomic Minister Adamov in person (again, see file 4). On June 16, 2003, he lost consciousness and was taken to the Central (Kremlin) Hospital. He was pronounced dead after lying still unconscious for 12 days. (The official diagnosis — a flu). All medical records are still classified, but experts insist he was poisoned by thallium or cadmium.

    Eugene Adamov and the Clintons.

    Professor Adamov was in 1986-1998 a Director of the NIKIET (a secret Research and Development Institute of Power Engineering). He was secretly involved in the Gore–Chernomyrdin deal as chief expert on the Russian side (even Russian Defense Minister Rodionov knew nothing about it). In 1994 he opened the consulting and management company “Omeka, Ltd.” registered in Pennsylvania (by the end of 1999 the company had assets valued of $5,080,000) by his wife. In 1996 he signed a forged contract between NIKIET and “Omeka,” and opened other companies and banking accounts in Monaco, Switzerland and France to start money laundering the stolen funds the US Department of Energy provided Russia to improve safety at Russian nuclear facilities.

    On May 2, 2005 Adamov was arrested in Bern, Switzerland, and was charged with conspiracy to defraud the United States and to transfer stolen money and securities ($9 million), money laundering and tax evasion. US prosecutors demanded his extradition to the United States, but Russia did the same, asking to send Adamov back home where he would be faced a trial. Swiss authorities asked Adamov if he was willing to accept simplified extradition to the United States. He rejected that and Washington had to file a formal extradition request. The battle began.

    A money laundering blew up into an international scandal. The American government’s insistence looked strange until Bill Clinton appeared on the stage on October 5, 2005 to save Adamov from 60 years in jail. He didn’t show up himself. Somebody hired a lawyer - Lanny Breuer, a nice young fellow from the Washington, DC based “Covington & Burling.” Breuer had worked as a special Counsel to President Clinton in 1997-1999 and represented him in the presidential impeachment hearings and trial.

    This was not a battle between Russia and USA - it was a battle between the Republicans and Democrats for the Oval Office in 2008. Russians and their asset Bill Clinton had to win this struggle no matter what — if Adamov was extradited to America, he would “sing” everything on that Clinton-Yeltsin deal and share his federal cell with Bill Clinton.

    Meanwhile President Bush, a Republican, needed victory to remove the Clintons from the political arena forever. Clinton won - on December 18, 2005 the Swiss Supreme Court overturned a previous ruling by the Justice Ministry, which had said that Adamov must first face the US courts. On December 30, 2005 Adamov was extradited from Switzerland to Russia, thus opening the door to the Big Presidential Game for Hillary Clinton. She lost in 2008. What price will the Russians ask Hillary Clinton to pay for Adamov’s silence, if she’s elected the US President in 2012?



    Mikhail Kryzhanovsky worked for KGB USSR, field Counterespionage Division. After graduating the Counterespionage School training, he served as field officer and KGB "Nabat" counter-terror group member (sniper). In 1987, he graduated KGB Intelligence institute and served at a KGB field Intelligence Division. In 1991, after USSR collapsed, Kryzhanovsky joined SBU (Ukrainian Security Service) and was in charge of SBU's espionage operation in Moscow against Russian President Boris Yeltsyn. In 1995 he was recruited in the USA by the CIA. He is the author of "The Professional", "White House Special Handbook", (Algora, New York, 2007) and "Espionage and Counterespionage Handbook" (PublishAmerica, 2012.) He is a Republican National Committee member since 2006.

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    Nikita Khrushchev: "We will bury you"
    "Your grandchildren will live under communism."
    “You Americans are so gullible.
    No, you won’t accept
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    outright, but we’ll keep feeding you small doses of
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    until you’ll finally wake up and find you already have communism.

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    ."
    We’ll so weaken your
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    until you’ll
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    like overripe fruit into our hands."



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    Default Re: KGB Operation "Bill Clinton"

    Alright... I call utter bullshit on this guy. I know who he is, and he's "supposed" to have been a KGB agent among other things.

    Second of all, I have personal experience with being followed by foreign governments and 90% of the time they make NO SECRET of the fact they are doing so, in MOST cases to "keep you honest".

    Third, Bill Clinton DID go to Moscow and it was both well known and well discussed when he was running for President only more of it came out AFTER he was elected than before, which is sad.

    Then the man (clinton) gave a lot of shit away to the Chinese, and God only knows what he gave the Russians.

    I wouldn't put it past Obama to be working directly with a KGB Handler right now.
    Libertatem Prius!


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    Default Re: KGB Operation "Bill Clinton"

    Road to Moscow: Bill Clinton’s Early Activism from Fulbright to Moscow
    Original FReeper research | 08/22/2007 | Fedora
    Posted on Wednesday, August 22, 2007 3:26:32 PM by Fedora


    Road to Moscow

    Bill Clinton’s Early Activism from Fulbright to Moscow

    By Fedora

    Summary
    During the 1992 campaign, Bill Clinton’s student protests and Moscow trip generated much controversy, but few answers. While Clinton’s government files from that era seemingly remain unavailable even today, there is at least more information available than in 1992. The public record reveals that Clinton’s social network and views on Vietnam were influenced by a pattern of contact between Communist agents and sympathizers and Clinton’s academic and political associates. This pattern is documented here through an analysis of Clinton’s antiwar activity up through the time he left Oxford in 1970.

    Included are quotations from a June 9, 1969 profile of Clinton by the Frederick, Maryland Post which does not seem to have been previously cited elsewhere.


    As a Georgetown junior, Clinton inherited his antiwar orientation from his part-time employer, Senator J. William Fulbright. Fulbright’s views on Vietnam had in turn been influenced by scholar Bernard Fall. Fall had an academic background at institutions linked to Chinese Communist apologist Owen Lattimore. He had recently co-authored a book on Vietnam with Marcus Raskin, cofounder of the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS), which disseminated Marxist propaganda aimed to sway Fulbright and other decision-makers. Fulbright’s office was also in regular contact with Igor Bubnov, a KGB operative on Capitol Hill. President Johnson had ordered the FBI to monitor Fulbright and his staff for suspected Communist contact at the time Clinton went to work for Fulbright.

    Clinton remained relatively quiet about his war views during his first year as a grad student at Oxford from fall 1968 to spring 1969. He took an activist turn in summer 1969 while seeking to avoid being drafted. During summer vacation, he worked with the Vietnam Moratorium Committee (VMC), a US antiwar group which was helping a Communist-dominated coalition called the New Mobe organize fall protests.

    Upon Clinton’s return to Oxford that fall, he and his friend Richard Stearns helped a British VMC counterpart called Group 68 organize Americans in England for Moratorium protest events. (A supplementary background profile of Group 68 follows the body of the article, exploring the group’s links to a British antiwar network centered around Bertrand Russell and Russell’s associate Tariq Ali. Russell’s network helped the North Vietnamese and Soviets disseminate anti-US propaganda through channels such as the International War Crimes Tribunal, sponsored by the Soviet front the Stockholm Conference on Vietnam.)

    Over winter vacation of 1969-1970, Clinton toured Moscow, where he had been preceded by his roommate Strobe Talbott. Talbott was then translating the memoirs of former Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev, which had been leaked to him by Victor Louis, a KGB disinformation agent and talent spotter. Clinton and Talbott’s other roommate Frank Aller was doing similar work on the unpublished notes of Edgar Snow, an academic associate of Lattimore.

    The conclusion suggests possible directions for further research, considering where additional information on Clinton’s early activity might be found in government files and other sources.

    Before Oxford: Clinton, Fulbright, and the Legacy of Owen Lattimore
    The story of how Bill Clinton became an antiwar activist begins when he was a Georgetown undergraduate working part-time for Arkansas Senator J. William Fulbright. Fulbright, who chaired the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, was a leading critic of President Lyndon Johnson’s Vietnam policy. Over the course of Clinton’s junior and senior years, his views on Vietnam turned antiwar under the influence of Fulbright and his staff. As Washington Post writer David Maraniss quoted Clinton:
    When I went to work for [Fulbright] I was basically for the war, or at least I was not against it. As a matter of fact, I had a long debate I remember about whether I ought to drop out of school, whether even undergraduate deferments were all right, whether anybody ought to have a deferment when there was a war on. These were discussions with people who worked for Fulbright, who were on the staff. The older ones encouraged me to at least make a study of it, make up my own mind. . .And I sort of wound up turning against the war the way Fulbright did, after a thorough study of it.
    Tracing the origin of Fulbright’s antiwar views reveals an intriguing ancestry for Clinton’s views. Fulbright had not initially opposed the 1964 Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, which was originally viewed as a measured, flexible alternative to full-scale escalation in Vietnam. But after a major increase in US ground deployment in summer 1965, and after Fulbright’s relationship with President Johnson became strained over Dominican Republic policy that September, he began questioning Johnson’s Vietnam policy. Pentagon Papers, a set of classified military documents on the Kennedy-Johnson administration’s Vietnam policy.)

    Fulbright’s reading on Vietnam was guided by a mentor Lowenstein had introduced him to in fall 1965, Howard University Professor of International Relations Bernard Fall. Fall was a specialist in so-called “Asian nationalism”, which is what the antiwar movement preferred to call what less sympathetic critics might characterize as Marxist-inspired insurgencies against Western-friendly governments. Fall, along with Cornell’s Indonesian nationalism specialist George McTurnan Kahin, led a chorus of academic antiwar activists insisting that the Vietcong’s guerrilla war was motivated by nationalism, not Marxism. This argument aimed to undermine the Johnson administration’s position citing Cold War containment policy as grounds for US intervention in Vietnam.

    Fall and Kahin had both emerged from a group of Asian nationalist specialists who congregated in the late 1940s and early 1950’s at Johns Hopkins University, a major Asian studies center. Johns Hopkins’ Asian studies program had been influenced by pro-Chinese Communist propaganda channeled through a Soviet-infiltrated think tank called the Institute of Pacific Relations (IPR).

    One influential Johns Hopkins Asian specialist linked to IPR was Chinese Communist apologist Owen Lattimore, accused by Joseph McCarthy in 1950 of being “Moscow’s top spy” and “one of the principal architects of our Far Eastern policy”. Declassified files available today indicate that while McCarthy was exaggerating by calling Lattimore Moscow’s top spy, Lattimore had been flagged by the FBI as a suspected Communist and potential security risk as early as May 1941, when he was being considered for a position as the Roosevelt administration’s political advisor to Chinese Nationalist leader Chiang Kai-shek. Lattimore did not run any of the Soviet spy rings known to US intelligence, and there was no direct surveillance evidence of him acting as a literal spy (at least judging by a 1949 report which is heavily censored in certain key sections), but he did have a well-documented pattern of regular contact with Communist front groups, party members and agents. Soviet agents Lattimore was in contact with during the 1930s and 1940s included Comintern agent Willi Munzenberg’s lieutenant Louis Gibarti; Agnes Smedley and Chen Han-seng of the Sorge spy ring; Michael Greenberg of the Cambridge Five; Soviet agent Joseph Bernstein’s Amerasia coconspirators Philip Jaffe and T.A. Bisson; and Silvermaster Group spy ring members Lauchlin Currie and Harry Dexter White. Currie and White, who were two key agents in the Soviet campaign to undermine the Chinese Nationalists, were the ones who recommended Lattimore for his position in the Roosevelt administration, and when Lattimore got the job he worked out of a desk in Currie’s office in the State Department Building (contradicting his later Senate testimony that he never had a desk at the State Department). Whether or not Lattimore was a full-fledged spy, his views on Asia were at least viewed by agents like Currie and White as sympathetic to Soviet foreign policy goals.

    Lattimore’s sympathies were passed on to a younger generation of scholars which included Fall and Kahin. An FBI file on Lattimore records a conversation where he mentioned that Kahin’s appointment to the John Hopkins faculty was part of a broader effort to promote comparative work on nationalism in different Asian countries, including China, Mongolia, and Kahin’s specialty, Indonesia., Another John Hopkins expert in Indonesian nationalism, Amry Vandenbosch, taught a class called Nationalism and Colonialism in Southeast Asia. Fall took Vandenbosch’s class in 1952 after moving to the US from France, where his family had relocated to escape Nazi-occupied Austria. Because of Fall’s French background, Vandenbosch encouraged him to study nationalism in Vietnam, a former French colony.

    Fall subsequently went to Southeast Asia in 1953 to study the Vietminh insurgency for his doctoral dissertation.

    Upon his return to the US in late 1953, Fall soon stopped to visit IPR. He began contributing to IPR’s journal Pacific Affairs, and IPR commissioned him to do a study on Vietnam in 1957. He continued to travel to Southeast Asia regularly, making five more trips from 1957 to 1967 (when he was killed by a Vietcong landmine) and receiving North Vietnamese literature shipped through a Hong Kong publisher.

    Fall had fought in the French Resistance during World War II, and his research received assistance from French military sources, who sometimes allowed him to see classified information. Some of Fall’s associates began to suspect he was a French agent. The FBI placed him under surveillance to evaluate these accusations and make sure he was not receiving any classified information from US sources, but apparently found nothing to substantiate Fall’s involvement in any intelligence activity (at least according to Fall’s widow’s interpretation of the portions of his file that have been declassified). Chalmers Wood of the State Department’s Vietnam Working Group saw Fall as less of a spy and more of a sympathizer:

    “Bernard Fall’s recommendations certainly follow very close to the neutralist, crypto-Communist line. I don’t think that he is a Communist, but his emotions have been so long wrapped up in Viet-Nam that his judgement is false.”

    Fall’s work proved useful to antiwar propagandists who travelled significantly farther with Communists than Fall himself did. From 1964 to 1965 Fall collaborated on The Viet-Nam Reader with his friend Marcus Raskin, cofounder of the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS). IPS was a New Left think tank founded in 1962 by dissenters from the Kennedy administration who advocated nuclear disarmament enforced by a global government. Despite its professed goal of world peace, IPS travelled with terrorist groups that were being trained by Cuban and Vietcong revolutionaries, such as the Black Panthers, the Weathermen, and the Venceremos Brigade. IPS was characterized in FBI files as “a Washington-based ‘Think Factory’, which [has] helped train extremist[s] who incite violence in the United States and whose educational research serves as a cover for intrigue and political agitation”. IPS also helped disseminate propaganda critiquing US domestic and foreign policy from a Marxist perspective. An article clipped by the FBI aptly described IPS as “The perfect intellectual front for Soviet activities which would be resisted if they were to originate openly from the KGB.”

    The Viet-Nam Reader was one of IPS’ earliest successful propaganda operations. According to Fall’s widow, Fall and Raskin hoped that their book would persuade sufficient numbers of readers to “see the folly of the war and demand a negotiated settlement”. The book achieved this goal, becoming a standard reference for antiwar activists after being featured by The New York Review of Books in September 1965. It was presumably high on Fulbright’s reading list in December 1965. IPS also influenced Fulbright’s Vietnam stance through channels such as Members of Congress for Peace Through Law, an IPS-spawned lobby Fulbright joined.

    Meanwhile the KGB tried to influence Fulbright’s staff directly. In 1967, Soviet ambassador Igor Bubnov, an active KGB operative on Capitol Hill, initiated regular discussions with Fulbright’s chief of staff Carl Marcy. (After retiring from government service in 1973, Marcy would work for several organizations associated with Communist or IPS activity, including the Council for a Liveable World, the Center for International Policy, and the the American Committee on United States-Soviet Relations aka American Committee on East-West Accord.)

    US intelligence came to suspect Communist influence on Fulbright. In February 1966, President Johnson ordered FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover to investigate whether Fulbright and other Senate critics of US policy in Vietnam were receiving information from Communists. Hoover produced a report which demonstrated a correlation between the Soviet party line and the public statements of Fulbright and Senator Wayne Morse, but without authorization for wiretaps he was unable to confirm any direct contact with Communists or foreign agents. Ordered to seek confirmation, Hoover spent the next weeks producing a 67-page review of FBI wiretap records of contacts between Soviet bloc embassies and US Senators, Representatives, and Congressional staff, covering the period from July 1965 to March 1966. Hoover continued submitting biweekly follow-up reports to Johnson through January 1968. Johnson tasked other intelligence agencies to conduct similar inquiries. In 1968 Johnson boasted that he knew within minutes what Fulbright was saying over lunch at the Soviet embassy. Secretary of State Dean Rusk conveyed this fact to Marcy, telling him, “We know every time that you or people on your staff meet with people in the Soviet bloc.”

    While US intelligence was investigating Fulbright and his staff, Georgetown junior Bill Clinton joined Fulbright’s staff in summer 1966. Clinton had looked to Fulbright as a role model since high school, when he first learned that Fulbright had attended England’s Oxford University as a Rhodes Scholar, a career path Clinton would follow as a graduate student. He got the job with Fulbright through Jack Holt, a local politician who was supported by Clinton’s uncle Raymond. After Uncle Raymond got him on Holt’s campaign, Clinton approached Holt and expressed his interest in working for Fulbright.

    Holt recommended him to Fulbright’s administrative assistant Lee Williams.

    Williams offered Clinton a job as an assistant clerk on the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations.

    Clinton continued working for Fulbright into his senior year. According to his autobiography My Life, he worked in the document room of the committee’s offices on the fourth floor of what was then called the New Senate Office Building (later renamed the Dirksen Senate Office Building), while Carl Marcy and a few committee senior staff worked in a larger room at the Capitol Building. Clinton’s primary duty was “taking memos and other materials back and forth between the Capitol and Senator Fulbright’s office, including confidential material for which I would have to receive proper government clearance. Beyond that, I would do whatever was required, from reading newspapers and clipping important articles for the staff and interested senators to answering requests for speeches and other materials, to adding names to the committee’s mailing list.” He often read “material stamped ‘confidential’ and ‘secret’ that I had to deliver from time to time”.

    According to Clinton, he adopted an antiwar position while working under Fulbright. A few months after he began working for Fulbright, he had the Senator autograph a copy of his book The Arrogance of Power, which criticized US foreign policy on Vietnam and other topics. Clinton says his antiwar orientation was also influenced by members of Fulbright’s staff who encouraged him to study the issue of draft deferment.

    One staff member who influenced him was Fulbright’s speechwriter Seth Tillman, who Clinton says “taught at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies and had become a friend and mentor”. Tillman, along with Committee on Foreign Relations Latin American specialist Pat Holt, had recently helped shape Fulbright’s opposition to Johnson’s Dominican Republic policy, arguing that Dominican rebels were not Marxists and did not pose a threat similar to Cuban dictator Fidel Castro. (Holt, who advocated working with Castro rather than removing him, had previously encouraged Fulbright to oppose the Bay of Pigs invasion. In retirement he would participate in seminars and publish books for the Center for International Policy, an IPS spinoff cofounded by Orlando Letelier, a Chilean Marxist linked to agents of Cuba, East Germany, and the USSR. Holt recently published an article titled, “Was Cuba ever really a threat to the United States?”)

    Others Clinton mentions he worked with on the Committee on Foreign Relations staff were Carl Marcy, who Clinton says worked over in the Capitol Building, and who presumably received the documents Clinton delivered from the New Senate Office Building to the Capitol; Lee Williams, who talked Clinton out of quitting school to join the military; documents clerk Buddy Kendrick, who was Clinton’s supervisor; Kendrick’s part-time assistant Bertie Bowman; and Phil Dozier and Charlie Parks, two of Clinton’s student counterparts.

    By Clinton’s senior year, his academic papers were expressing antiwar views. However, Clinton was not yet an activist. Clinton’s pro-war roommate Christopher “Kit” Ashby recalled that among their roommates, “Bill was the most against the war, but not in a hysterical way. . .Bill was not out demonstrating on the streets.”

    Clinton’s antiwar views would begin to take a more activist turn after he won a Rhodes Scholarship his senior year. Following in Fulbright’s footsteps, he left for England to attend Oxford in fall 1968.

    March 1969: Bill Clinton Attends His First British Antiwar Protest
    When Clinton arrived at Oxford he initially kept his antiwar views relatively quiet. His Oxford friend Cliff Jackson, later to become a critic, recalled his impression that Clinton was not vocally antiwar his first year at Oxford. As related by Maraniss:
    It was during that first year at Oxford that Clinton met the fellow Arkansan, Cliff Jackson, who became his bete noire this year by releasing letters indicating that Clinton had not told the complete story of how he avoided the draft. . .Jackson contends that Clinton was not overtly anti-war that year--that in fact, several more radical American students considered Clinton “spineless and a fake” for not being more vocal--and that his activism did not become evident until his body was on the line.
    Jackson got the impression that Clinton did not become vocally antiwar until after he began facing the strong possibility of being drafted in April 1969.
    By this time Clinton had absorbed the antiwar atmosphere circulating at Oxford. In March 1969, he accepted former Miss Arkansas Sharon Evan’s invitation to attend his first British antiwar protest. A detailed profile of Clinton’s Oxford days by Times reporters Nick Rufford and David Leppard recorded:
    Whatever his delight at being at Oxford, Clinton could never escape the war. At the Union debating society, Clinton's eyes were opened to the depth of feeling provoked by Vietnam. “The atmosphere in Oxford was decidedly anti-American,” recalled [Rhodes Scholar Alan] Bersin. It began to play on Clinton. He had worked during the previous summer for Senator William Fulbright, an outspoken critic of the Vietnam war, and was proud of a set of books inscribed by Fulbright which set out the senator's objections to war. This, and the climate of student unrest, aroused the first stirrings of militancy in Clinton.

    In March 1969, he went to his first anti-war demonstration in Britain, accompanied by Sharon Evans, a former Miss Arkansas. Evans said she persuaded Clinton to attend. “We were down at Trafalgar Square for a Sunday afternoon. I said: ‘Y'all, I want to go, I've never been to a demonstration.’ So Bill said ‘Gosh, I'll go too’.”
    According to another article that ran in London’s Times on October 25, 1992, former Eugene McCarthy campaign organizer Richard Stearns introduced Clinton to the British peace movement. The time when this occurred is not specified, but from the available information it may be inferred that it took place either in spring 1969, or in early October 1969 when Clinton stayed with Stearns while helping him organize protests.

    (Clinton later considered Stearns for a possible nomination as FBI Director.)
    Over spring break that April, Clinton toured Bavaria with his Georgetown girlfriend Ann Markusen, a former McCarthy campaign volunteer; Stearns; and Rudy Lowe, who came from Bamberg on the East German border.

    Clinton had met Lowe in November 1967 at Georgetown’s Conference on the Atlantic Community (CONTAC), a series of seminars and lectures attended by student delegates from the US, Canada, and Europe.

    June 1969: A New Star in Oxford’s Antiwar Community Attracts Attention
    Clinton spent the early part of June 1969 touring Paris. His tour guide was Alice Chamberlain, whom he had met through mutual friends in London.

    By this time, Clinton’s antiwar views were attracting attention. On June 9, 1969, the Frederick, Maryland Post ran an article by Tom Cullen on antiwar sentiment among the 29 American Rhodes Scholars attending Oxford. The star of the article was Bill Clinton. The article includes a picture of Clinton relaxing with two unnamed fellow Rhodes Scholars. It quotes Clinton describing his views on the Vietnam War and the antiwar movement:
    . . .The latest U.S. casualty figures from Vietnam are just as real whether you read them in the New York Times or the London Times. ”And that's the way it should be,” says William J. Clinton, 22, of Hot Springs, Ark., who is one of the current crop of Rhodes Scholars. “There would be something wrong with us if we could put the war out of our minds when our friends are being shot up in Vietnam.”

    . . . Clinton, who is fairly typical of the present American Rhodesmen at Oxford, is returning to Arkansas to be drafted in July, although his scholarship still has another year to run. For brown-eyed, curly-headed Clinton it has been an agonizing decision to make, for he is opposed to the war. . .

    Politically he describes himself as a moderate.

    ”'I was never one of the militants at Georgetown,” he explains, “and I have always been opposed to violence. Nevertheless, I find myself in sympathy with some of the aims of the Students for a Democratic Society. The same goes with the other Rhodes Scholars here at Oxford. . .”. . .

    Clinton, whose views are echoed by other Rhodes Scholars, blames both student extremists and university authorities. “The authorities made the great mistake of allowing what should have been a limited war to escalate. As for the Students for a Democratic Society, they are bad Marxists who are muddled in their thinking, for the most part, and purely negative in their approach.

    ”Instead of arguing about whether to add a course in Negro history to the university curriculum, the authorities and students, black and white, should be engaged in a meaningful dialogue about the real problems that threaten us. They should be worrying about how to manage in the computer age, how to save the lives of our cities, how the American people can lead happier, fuller lives."
    Summer 1969: Clinton and the Vietnam Moratorium Committee
    Over summer vacation that year, Clinton returned to the US, dividing his time between taking steps to avoid the draft and organizing antiwar activity. Maraniss summarizes:
    That summer Clinton's efforts to avoid the draft and protest the war merged. He spent half his time in Arkansas feverishly working the system so that he could get accepted into the ROTC program at the University of Arkansas Law School--which he would never attend--and thus delay induction. The rest of the time he was in Washington, working as a low-level organizer in the anti-war movement.
    Clinton’s Oxford associate Cliff Jackson contended that at this time, Clinton’s future roommate Strobe Talbott was advising him how to avoid the draft. In a rebuttal to a TIME column by Talbott that Managing Editor Henry Muller refused to print, Jackson wrote:
    I know that Strobe was one of the chief architects of Bill Clinton's scheme to void his draft notice, avoid reporting on his scheduled (postponed) July 28 induction date and to secure a 1-D deferment, yet nowhere in his personal testimony does Strobe mention his involvement. . .I have a crystal clear recollection of Strobe and Bill standing in my office door at Republican State headquarters in the summer of 1969 and discussing the plan, devised by Bill with the able assistance of friends, to kill his draft notice and secure a deferment.
    Clinton effectively confirmed Talbott’s advisory role in his autobiography but put a somewhat different spin on it, writing:
    Just before I left Arkansas for Martha’s Vineyard, I wrote a letter to Bill Armstrong, chairman of my local draft board, telling him I didn’t really want to do the ROTC program and asking him to withdraw my 1- D deferment and put me back in the draft. Strobe Talbott came to Arkansas to visit and we discussed whether I should mail it. I didn’t.
    Meanwhile, Clinton began working for the Vietnam Moratorium Committee (VMC), the core of an antiwar coalition then planning major demonstrations scheduled for that fall. Clinton wrote to University of Arkansas ROTC head Colonel Eugene Holmes that winter:
    I have written and spoken and marched against the war. One of the national organizers of the Vietnam Moratorium is a close friend of mine. After I left Arkansas last summer, I went to Washington to work in the national headquarters of the Moratorium, then to England to organize the Americans here for demonstrations October 15 and November 16.
    The VMC had been conceived in April 1969 by Massachusetts antiwar activist Jerome Grossman, who proposed the idea of a committee to coordinate a nation-wide, grassroots-generated series of demonstrations against the Vietnam War. To help him organize these demonstrations, Grossman recruited the help of 1968 antiwar Presidential candidate Eugene McCarthy and former McCarthy campaign organizers Sam Brown, David Hawk, David Mixner, and Marge Sklencar.

    Through Brown, the Moratorium’s national director and principal organizer, the VMC joined forces with the New Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam, or “New Mobe”, a national coordinating group for antiwar protests. The New Mobe coordinated its actions with the Soviet Union and North Vietnam through the KGB-linked World Peace Council (WPC) in Stockholm. A 1970 Congressional report found that the New Mobe was under “communist domination” by the Communist Party and the Socialist Workers Party, a rival Trotskyist group linked to Cuba.

    The New Mobe, which organized national gatherings in Washington, DC, worked in cooperation with the VMC, which organized protests and political activism on a local level. The VMC was represented on the New Mobe’s steering committee from the New Mobe’s first meeting. Sam Brown organized for the New Mobe while he directed the VMC. The New Mobe formally endorsed a major protest the VMC scheduled for October 15, 1969, and the VMC in turn supported a major New Mobe protest scheduled for November 15, 1969. The New Mobe shared its headquarters with the VMC at 1029 Vermont Avenue NW in Washington, DC, which would presumably be the building where Clinton says he worked when he “went to Washington to work in the national headquarters of the Moratorium”.

    Clinton met VMC leaders Brown and Mixner at a gathering of former McCarthy campaign organizers held at Martha’s Vineyard in 1969. Clinton’s attendance was publicized by the Bush campaign during the 1992 election.

    Clinton confirmed his attendance in interviews with TV host Phil Donahue and with the Boston Globe but emphasized it was a reunion for McCarthy organizers rather than a VMC meeting. Bush campaign statements described the event as occurring in early 1969, but a U.S. News & World Report article by Steven Roberts and Matthew Cooper placed it a few days after a September 9 letter Clinton wrote to Richard Stearns, and Clinton’s autobiography places it near the end of September. Accounts also varied as to whether the meeting was a political organizing or social event, with Brown denying that the event involved any antiwar planning, and Clinton campaign staff chief Eli Segal telling Boston Globe reporter Curtis Wilkie, “We spent most of our time water skiing and eating frankfurters. . .To call this a cabal of the left is so preposterous.” However Clinton in his 2004 autobiography seemingly conceded that he “made what little contribution I could to their deliberations” about that fall’s protests:
    Near the end of September, while working my way back to Oxford, I flew to Martha’s Vineyard for a reunion of anti-war activists who had worked for Gene McCarthy. Of course, I hadn’t done so. Rick Stearns invited me, I think because he knew I wanted to come and they wanted another southerner.

    The only other one there was Taylor Branch, a recent graduate of the University of North Carolina, who had just been in Georgia registering blacks to vote. . .Besides Rick and Taylor, there were four other men at the reunion whom I kept up with over the years: Sam Brown, one of the most prominent leaders of the student anti-war movement, later got involved in Colorado politics and, when I was President, served the United States with the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe; David Mixner, who had begun organizing fellow migrant workers at fourteen, visited me several times in England and later moved to California, where he became active in the struggle against AIDS and for gay rights, and supported me in 1992; Mike Driver became one of my most cherished friends over the next thirty years; and Eli Segal, whom I met in the McGovern campaign, became chief of staff of the Clinton-Gore campaign. . .The group was planning the next large protest, known as the Vietnam Moratorium, and I made what little contribution I could to their deliberations.
    Brown, Mixner, and other eyewitnesses, including Strobe Talbott, have also described the event.

    Fall 1969: Clinton Organizes London Antiwar Protests
    That October, when Clinton returned to Oxford, he temporarily moved in with Richard Stearns for a couple weeks. He helped Stearns organize Americans in England for protests to be held there in solidarity with October 15 and November 15 protests the VMC and New Mobe were planning in America and other countries. An October 1992 Boston Globe article by Curtis Wilkie summarized Clinton’s recollections of his activity that fall:
    In an interview with The Boston Globe last April, he said he had taken part in two demonstrations and a teach-in while a student in England. ”I remember once we did a teach-in that I was asked to participate in. . .at the London School of Economics, the University of London, one of those schools in London,” he said. “And I remember once I demonstrated around the US Embassy. I remember whatever we did around the embassy in Grosvenor Square, I remember Paul Newman and Joanne Woodward came.”

    He said he later went with a group from Oxford to an antiwar demonstration in London “that I wasn't part of putting together.”
    Maraniss’ article gave a similar account:
    He took part in two anti-war demonstrations, helping to organize a teach-in at the University of London and serving as a marshal at a peaceful vigil outside the U.S. Embassy. . . ”The protest was relatively small and orderly and rather self-conscious as well,” said [Clinton’s roommate Douglas] Eakeley, now a lawyer in New Jersey. “Paul Newman and Joanne Woodward were there, and a few hundred people. It did not require months of organizing; it was not a full-time protest movement.”
    Rufford and Leppard’s Times article provided additional details:
    Stepping up his campaigning against the war, Clinton joined meetings with Group 68, Americans backed by the pro-Soviet British Peace Council. Tariq Ali, the former radical student leader, described Group 68 as being on the soft wing of his hardline coalition. In the autumn, Clinton helped organise demonstrations outside the American embassy in Grosvenor Square. In the evening, protesters held a candlelit vigil attended by Jessica Mitford, the writer, and Paul Jones, the pop singer.

    Clinton's role in organising that protest was a natural extension of his voluntary work for the peace movement in America. But the extent of his involvement is unclear, and not as influential as right-wing critics have alleged. “The notion that Bill was a national organiser is not accurate,” said Bersin. “He took on the chore of contacting Americans in London. He was at the edge of it.”

    A month later, Clinton took part in a weekend of demonstrations near Grosvenor Square. On the first day, protesters led by Vanessa Redgrave dropped cards with the names of war victims into a black coffin. [Tom] Williamson said he and Clinton served as unpaid marshals. “We were very much part of the peaceful demonstration, rationalist approach,” he recalled.

    On the second day, Clinton organised a church service to provide Americans with an alternative to more radical protests by British Marxists. He asked an American priest, Richard McSorley, to read a prayer at the service in St Mark's American church near the embassy. McSorley recalled that afterwards they paraded in front of the embassy carrying white crosses, “an indication of our desire to end the agony of Vietnam”.

    Tariq Ali insists that Clinton was never prominent in the peace movement. He knew the Americans who led the marches, and after checking his records he is certain Clinton was not among them.
    Two events described above can be identified as London counterparts to a pair of major demonstrations the VMC and New Mobe organized in the US and other countries that October 15 and November 15. (I have not been able to clearly identify the teach-in at the London School of Economics or University of London that Clinton and other sources refer to.) As Rufford and Leppard’s article mentions, Clinton organized these events on behalf of Group 68, a British counterpart to the VMC formed by expatriate former supporters of Eugene McCarthy’s 1968 Presidential campaign. Group 68 had emerged from the Stop It Committee, which was part of the Viet Nam Solidarity Campaign (VSC), a Trotskyist-controlled antiwar coalition financed by Bertrand Russell and led by Russell’s associates Ralph Schoenman and Tariq Ali. (For more information on Group 68 and related groups, a detailed background profile is provided below after the body of the article.)

    The event Clinton remembered Paul Newman and Joanne Woodward attending took place outside the US embassy in London on October 15, 1969, the same day the VMC held its first major protest in the US, with New Mobe support. Newspaper descriptions of attendance ranged from 200 to 400, describing the crowd as mostly American. A UPI wire of the event appearing in the San Antonio Light included a photo showing Newman carrying a sign that said “Moratorium”. An Associated Press account carried by numerous papers noted that “American Rhodes Scholars at Oxford University delivered petitions to the London Embassy”. In coordination with this petition, “Forty members of the British Parliament signed a letter demanding the withdrawal of American forces from Vietnam.”

    The Grosvenor Square demonstration where Clinton served as a marshal was held on November 15, the day the New Mobe had scheduled the Washington, DC culmination of a multi-day event called the March Against Death, which was supported by the VMC. A UPI wire which ran in various papers the next day summarized the event:
    From Tel Aviv to Manila, from London to Sydney, in Kobe, Japan, Buenos Aires and Bonn, antiwar demonstrators massed on the streets and in front of American government buildings to express their support of the second Vietnam moratorium in the United States. . . Actress Vanessa, Redgrave and folk singers Peggy Seeger and Judy Collins were among the celebrities who joined more than 1,000 antiwar demonstrators in London in a “lie-in” in front of the U.S. Embassy in Grosvenor Square. The group, however, was made up largely of American teen-agers and college students studying in England.
    The St. Mark’s church service Rufford and Leppard refer to was another Moratorium-related ceremony held on November 16. According to Richard Stearns, as quoted by Roberts and Cooper in U.S. News & World Report, Clinton organized it “to give young Americans an alternative to a more radical event planned by British Marxists”. Clinton was spotted at the ceremony by Fr. Richard McSorley of Georgetown’s Center for Peace Studies. McSorley, who was on sabbatical visiting antiwar groups around the world, later recalled in his book Peace Eyes:
    [On] Nov. 15, 1969, I participated in the British moratorium against the Vietnam War in front of the U.S. Embassy at Grosvenor Square in London. . . That day in November about 500 Britons and Americans were meeting to express their sorrow at America's misuse of power in Vietnam. . .

    The activities in London supporting the second stage of the moratorium and the March of Death in Washington, were initiated by Group 68 (Americans in Britain).This group had the support of British peace organizations, including the Committee on Nuclear Disarmament, the British Peace Council, and the International Committee for Disarmament and Peace.

    The next day I joined with about 500 other people for the interdenominational service. . .As I was waiting for the ceremony to begin, Bill Clinton of Georgetown, then studying as a Rhodes Scholar at Oxford, came up and welcomed me. He was one of the organizers. . .
    Late 1969: Clinton’s Roommates, the KGB, and the Road to Moscow
    That December McSorley would again encounter Clinton in Oslo, Norway. Clinton, who had recently spent Thanksgiving vacation in Ireland with his fellow Moratorium protestor Tom Williamson, was now on his way to the Soviet Union, following in the footsteps of his new roommate Strobe Talbott.

    Talbott was a Russian affairs scholar and intern journalist for TIME. He had begun visiting Moscow in 1968 and had developed contacts in the USSR. In summer 1969 he was in Moscow acting as a replacement for vacationing TIME Moscow bureau chief Jerrold Schecter. At this time he met Victor Louis (Vitali Yevgenyevich Lui), a KGB disinformation agent and talent spotter who specialized in influencing journalists and planting stories in the Western media.

    For the past several years, under the control of KGB General Vyacheslav Kevorkov, Louis had been helping the KGB with damage control by acting as a sort of literary agent supervising the leaking of the memoirs of various former Soviet officials and celebrities, including Joseph Stalin’s daughter Svetlana Alliluyeva, former Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov, and former Premier Nikita Khrushchev. In 1967, with approval from KGB Chairman Yuri Andropov, Kevorkov and Louis began seeking a publisher for Khrushchev’s memoirs. Louis first approached Jess Gorkin, editor of Parade magazine, which had run an article on an NBC documentary on Khrushchev that Louis had arranged. Parade turned down the project because it seemed too expensive. Parade chief editor Lloyd “Skip” Shearer then suggested Louis approach Talbott, his future son-in-law. Louis approached Talbott through Schecter, whom he met at a party in Moscow in August 1968. In fall 1969, Louis broached the idea of TIME publishing Khrushchev’s memoirs to Schecter. Schecter secured approval from TIME-LIFE New York news service chief of correspondents Murray Gart, then contacted Talbott to offer him the job of translating Khrushchev’s memoirs. Talbott agreed on the condition that he could enlist the help of a Russian friend from Oxford, Yasha Zaguskin, a White Russian emigre who roomed with Boris Pasternak’s sister Lydia.

    Talbott then began working on the project with Louis, launching a relationship that would last until 1992. However, it was not until 1999 that Schecter met Keyorkov at a CIA conference and learned that Louis had kept the KGB informed of the Khrushchev project the whole time.
    In late 1969, after staying with Richard Stearns for a couple weeks in October, Clinton began rooming with Talbott and their friend Frank Aller. Aller, a draft dodger and China scholar, was doing academic work similar to Talbott’s, making trips to Switzerland to receive the unpublished notes of Edgar Snow, an academic advocate of the Chinese Communists who was linked to the old Institute of Pacific Relations network. (In 1971 the Chinese government would use Snow to mediate an invitation to Owen Lattimore, making sure there would be no Soviet objections if Lattimore visited China.) Clinton’s autobiography recalls how he often made Talbott and Aller breakfast while they were doing their work:
    After more orthodox conservative forces removed him from power and installed Brezhnev and Kosygin, Khrushchev secretly recorded his memoirs on tape, and arranged, I think through friends in the KGB, to get them to Jerry Schecter, then Time magazine’s bureau chief in Moscow. Strobe was fluent in Russian and had worked for Time in Moscow the previous summer. He flew to Copenhagen to meet Schecter and get the tapes. When he got back to Oxford, he began the laborious process of typing Khrushchev’s words out in Russian, then translating and editing them. On many mornings, I would make breakfast for Frank and Strobe as they began their work.
    Schecter similarly recalled meeting Clinton shortly after Talbott got the Khrushchev assignment:
    Before leaving London, I also spent a day with Strobe at Oxford and met his long-haired, amiable housemate, Bill Clinton, who prepared omlets for our breakfast. I never asked Strobe how he told Bill about his new assignment.
    Talbott was again in Moscow about the same time Clinton was there in 1970, though he insisted he did not travel there with Clinton, a Boston Herald article by Wayne Woodlief and Joe Battenfeld mentions. A dozen other Rhodes Scholars also followed up Talbott’s visit to Moscow by going there in 1969-1970, Maraniss’ article notes.

    After Khrushchev’s memoirs were published, Khrushchev issued a nuanced denial of their authenticity, Soviet news agencies claimed Talbott was “a young sapling of the CIA”, and the Soviets refused to allow Talbott back in the country. Western Soviet expert Victor Zorza speculated that both the KGB and the CIA’s disinformation departments may have played tug-of-war over the memoirs.

    When Clinton later nominated Talbott for Deputy Secretary of State, Talbott was questioned about his relationship with Louis. He initially claimed he met Louis in the 1970s, then under cross-examination he remembered that he had actually first met Louis in 1969.

    (Talbott’s brother-in-law Derek Shearer later developed numerous Communist and IPS front associations and became one of Clinton’s closest advisors. Other Shearer family members also became part of the extended Clinton clan.)

    Winter 1969-1970: Back in the USSR
    Clinton’s trip to Moscow took him through Holland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and Finland. According to his autobiography, he left for Amsterdam with his artist friend Aimee Gautier. After some sightseeing they had a museum encounter with Rudolf Nureyev, a ballet dancer who had defected from the Soviet Union.

    Clinton says he left Gautier in Amsterdam and got on the train for Copenhagen, Oslo, and Stockholm. McSorley saw him at the train station in Oslo. McSorley, who was coming from Uppsala, Sweden, said Clinton “had been on the same train”.

    At Clinton’s request, McSorley allowed him to come along on a visit to the Institute for Peace Research. They were given a tour by the Institute’s Assistant Director and met three conscientious objectors working there. They went on to visit Oslo University, where they lunched with a professor and visited a peace center founded by two actors.

    Clinton then went by himself to meet Jim Durham, a friend from Arkansas who was studying in Oslo.

    Leaving Norway, Clinton went on by train to Stockholm, Sweden for a couple days, then took an overnight ferry to Helsinki, Finland. There he spent about two days over Christmas with Georgetown classmate Richard Shullaw, whose father J. Harold Shullaw was deputy chief of mission of the US embassy in Finland.

    Clinton then continued by train through Leningrad to Moscow. In Moscow, where he arrived on New Year’s Eve, he had booked through the Soviet travel agency Intourist to spend a week at the expensive Hotel National.

    His autobiography says the only person he knew in Moscow was Tom Williamson’s girlfriend Anik “Nikki” Alexis, a daughter of a French diplomat who was now studying at the Patrice Lumumba Peoples' Friendship University, a KGB training ground famed for turning out alumni such as the terrorist Carlos the Jackal. Clinton recalls, “One night I took a bus out to Lumumba University to have dinner with Nikki and some of her friends. One of them was a Haitian woman named Helene whose husband was studying in Paris.” On the bus back home Clinton says there was only one other passenger, Oleg Rakito, who “spoke better English than I did” and “asked me lots of questions and told me he worked for the government, virtually admitting he was assigned to keep an eye on me”.

    Perhaps referring to Alexis and her friends, Rufford and Leppard recorded that Clinton visited “friends at Moscow University”.. Maraniss stated that he met many of the same contacts previously made by Talbott and other Oxford Rhodes Scholars. Roberts and Cooper reported that he spent most of his time visiting with members of an American delegation which was there to discuss an exchange of American prisoners of war with Soviet and North Vietnamese officials. This delegation also made contact with other nations’ embassies in Moscow. One of the delegates, Charlie Daniels, stayed at the same hotel as Clinton. He remembered that Clinton always seemed to be out of money and hungry, and was often fed by the delegation. In his autobiography Clinton elaborated on his contact with Daniels’ group:
    My most interesting Moscow adventure began with a chance encounter in the hotel elevator. When I got in, there were four other men in the car. One of them was wearing a Virginia Lions Club pin. He obviously thought I was a foreigner, with my long hair and beard, rawhide boots, and British navy pea jacket. He drawled, “Where you from?” When I smiled and said, “Arkansas,” he replied, “Shoot, I thought you were from Denmark or someplace like that!” The man’s name was Charlie Daniels. He was from Norton, Virginia, hometown of Francis Gary Powers, the U-2 pilot who had been shot down and captured in Russia in 1960. He was accompanied by Carl McAfee, a lawyer from Norton who had helped to arrange Powers’s release, and a chicken farmer from Washington State, Henry Fors, whose son had been shot down in Vietnam. They had come all the way to Moscow to see if the North Vietnamese stationed there would tell the farmer whether his son was dead or alive. The fourth man was from Paris and, like the men from Virginia, a member of the Lions Club. He had joined them because the North Vietnamese spoke French. They all just came to Moscow without any assurances that the Russians would permit them to talk with the Vietnamese or that, if they did, any information would be forthcoming. None of them spoke Russian. They asked if I knew anyone who could help them. My old friend Nikki Alexis was studying English, French, and Russian at Patrice Lumumba University. I introduced her to them and they spent a couple of days together making the rounds, checking in with the American embassy, asking the Russians to help, finally seeing the North Vietnamese, who apparently were impressed that Mr. Fors and his friends would make such an effort to learn the fate of his son and several others who were missing in action. They said they would check into it and get back to them. A few weeks later, Henry Fors learned that his son had been killed when his plane was shot down. At least he had some peace of mind.
    The delegation Clinton met sounds like it may have been related to the activities of the Committee of Liaison with Families of Servicemen Detained in North Vietnam (COLIFAM), an antiwar group formed in summer 1969 which negotiated POW exchanges in return for pro-Communist propaganda statements. However this is only informed speculation that has not been verified.

    Clinton stayed in Moscow about five days. Several accounts say he left via the Soviet airline Aeroflot, but Clinton says “Nikki and her Haitian friend Helene put me on the train”.

    In either case, Clinton’s next stop was Prague, Czechoslovakia, where he arrived on January 6, 1970. There he looked up the family of his Oxford friend Jan Kopold. Kopold’s family was well-connected in Czech Communist circles. Clinton received a guided tour of Prague from Marie Svermova, the widow of Czech Communist Party hero Jan Sverma, who was Jan Kopold’s grandfather. In 1969 the Kopolds ostensibly held dissident political views against the ruling regime, which had grown unpopular among reformers and student activists after the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia the previous year.

    Clinton stayed in Czechoslovakia through January 12. According to his account, he then went on to Munich, West Germany to visit his friend Rudy Lowe and celebrate Faschingsfest, a Carnival Season festival with costumes similar to Mardis Gras or Halloween.

    On January 19 Clinton arrived back at Oxford, according to a letter he wrote the Kopolds four days later. He remained at Oxford into the summer.

    He spent spring break in Spain with Rick Stearns in April. In late May he was accepted into Yale Law School, and he left for New York on June 26, 1970.

    Conclusion: Directions for Further Research
    During Clinton’s 1992 Presidential campaign, much of the above information was publicized, but newspaper articles and government files on the antiwar movement were not available online for cross-referencing, archives documenting Soviet disinformation campaigns and their relation to Victor Louis’ activities were not as available as they are now, and the background of Group 68 and its role in the fall 1969 Moratorium protests were not explored in depth. Today, with the benefit of online research tools, it may be possible to delve further into the matter.

    One possible direction for further research is suggested by the Johnson administration’s surveillance of Senator Fulbright and his staff. Given Johnson’s relationship with the various segments of the US intelligence community at that time, it is likely that he assigned this surveillance to not only the FBI but also military intelligence and the CIA. Did the surveillance of Fulbright’s staff by the FBI or other US agencies generate any information on Clinton? Likewise, did the Soviets have any files on Fulbright which Western intelligence has since obtained?

    Did US intelligence surveillance of the VMC or New Mobe generate any information on Clinton?

    Did US or UK intelligence monitor Clinton’s activity in Britain? (Articles on Thomas Culver’s courtmartial, described in the appendix below, mention that Air Force intelligence officers photographed protestors at antiwar events near Lakenheath Air Force base and the US embassy there in 1971.

    Was Clinton also photographed at the antiwar events he participated in near the US embassy in London in 1969?)

    Do Soviet archives obtained by Western intelligence, or the East German intelligence files obtained by the CIA, or the extensive Polish intelligence files publicized in 2005, include any information relevant to the relationship between Victor Louis and Strobe Talbott, and Clinton? What about Edgar Snow and Frank Aller?

    Is there any information available on the antiwar movement in Oslo relevant to Clinton’s visit there?

    What did Soviet and US intelligence files record about Clinton’s visit with his friends from Patrice Lumumba Peoples' Friendship University?

    Were Clinton’s Czechoslovakian or German contacts mentioned in any of the East German intelligence files that German intelligence requested back from the CIA when Clinton was President?

    And finally, is it coincidental or significant that three years after Bill Clinton co-organized a fall 1969 London antiwar demonstration attended by Jessica Mitford, his future wife Hillary took a job interning for Mitford’s husband Robert Treuhaft, who like Mitford was a former member of the Communist Party and still active in left-wing political activity?

    As in 1992, there are still more questions than answers. But as more information becomes available, the questions keep getting more interesting.
    * * *
    Appendix: Who Was Group 68?
    The involvement of Group 68 in the London Moratorium protests Clinton helped organize is noteworthy and worth some background elaboration. Group 68 was cofounded by Heinz Norden, who had been dismissed from a sensitive US Army position after US intelligence discovered he had a background with Communist Party union and antiwar activity. Like Norden, Group 68 became involved with Communist activity, working closely with Marxist groups organizing antiwar activity among US soldiers.

    Cofounder of Group 68: Heinz Norden

    Heinz Norden had been born in Britain in 1905 to a family of German descent. After receiving his education in Germany, Norden relocated to the US in 1924 to escape Germany’s economic depression. In New York he organized a pair of tenant unions which worked in coalition with the Communist Party on both tenant and foreign policy issues. Norden’s Citywide Tenants Council (CWTC) followed the twists of the Soviet party line as World War II approached, opposing US involvement in the war while the Soviets were allied with the Nazis, then doing an about-face after Germany attacked Russia.

    Swept up by newfound patriotism, Norden joined the US Army in 1941. He stayed in Germany after the war to work for Army intelligence, editing the official U.S. German-language magazine Heute. In 1947 his tenant organizing background came under scrutiny and he was dismissed from his position. While spending the next few years battling his dismissal in federal court, Norden went into editorial and advertising work that took him to Europe. In 1961 he relocated to Britain, where he came into the orbit of an antiwar network centered around academic celebrity Bertrand Russell.
    Norden, Bertrand Russell, Tariq Ali, and Clinton

    As an editor, Norden had worked with Albert Einstein’s estate executor Otto Nathan on the 1960 book Einstein on Peace, which featured a preface by Russell. Russell, who had been active in the antiwar movement since World War I, had recently been circulating a manifesto with the late Einstein’s name on it to promote various groups and events disseminating nuclear disarmament propaganda.

    Russell soon became a leading influence on the Vietnam antiwar movement in Britain and the US. In April 1963 a letter published by Russell’s in the New York Times accusing the US of using napalm and chemical warfare in Vietnam prompted US antiwar leaders A.J. Muste and David Dellinger to publicly refer to Vietnam for the first time, during an Easter anti-nuclear demonstration. This action, which departed from the current party line of SANE and other US antiwar groups, was one of the earliest Vietnam War protests in the US. (The earliest seems to have been some protests by Young Socialist Alliance demonstrators at Berkeley in March 1962.) Russell sent a taped greeting to another early US antiwar protest, the Vietnam Day Committee (VDC) Teach-in at Berkeley in May 1965.

    In 1963 Russell had also formed the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation, which accused the US and its allies of war crimes in Vietnam. Russell echoed these allegations on North Vietnamese radio broadcasts to US troops in May 1966, calling for an International War Crimes Tribunal to investigate alleged US war crimes in Vietnam. The Tribunal, which began under the aegis of Russell’s Foundation and spun off into an independent entity, was sponsored by the Stockholm Conference on Vietnam (aka World Conference on Vietnam), a Soviet front group set up by World Peace Council chairman Romesh Chandra, a KGB agent. Attendees at the second session of the Tribunal included Wilfred Burchett, a journalist named as a KGB agent in sworn Senate testimony.

    Russell’s Tribunal interacted with American antiwar groups. In 1969 it became the inspiration for a pair of US counterparts: the Citizens' Commission of Inquiry on U.S. War Crimes (CCI); and the Winter Soldier Investigation (WSI), organized by Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW). In June 1971 CCI and VVAW sent representatives to a gathering of Russell’s Tribunal in Oslo, with a detour through Moscow along the way.

    Russell’s American allies also included Americans in Britain. In 1967 a group of antiwar Americans in Britain organized the Stop It Committee: Americans in Britain for United States Withdrawal from Vietnam. (The choice of name apparently reflected planning for the Stop the Draft Week demonstration at the Pentagon in October 1967, which also spawned a Stop the Draft Week Committee.) The committee formed part of a Trotskyist-controlled coalition called the Viet Nam Solidarity Campaign (VSC), which was financed by Russell and directed by Russell’s secretary Ralph Schoenman. On St. Patrick’s Day in 1967 the VSC organized “the Battle of Grosvenor Square”, a violent attack on the US embassy in London.

    The VSC’s most vocal spokesman was former Oxford Union debate club president Tariq Ali, who also represented Russell at events sponsored by his Tribunal. In 1968 Ali joined the International Marxist Group (IMG), the British section of the international Trotskyist group the United Secretariat of the Fourth International (USFI). He would later head the Transnational Institute (TNI), the European affiliate of IPS. He was a leading figure in the antiwar movement in Britain at the time Clinton arrived there.

    Rufford and Leppard’s Times article noted that it was at Oxford’s “Union debating society”, which Ali had presided over, where “Clinton's eyes were opened to the depth of feeling provoked by Vietnam”. Rufford and Leppard quoted Ali describing Group 68 as “being on the soft wing of his hardline coalition”. Ali insisted that Clinton was not a major figure in his coalition and that he could not find any records mentioning Clinton as one of the Americans leading marches.

    The American Antiwar Network in Britain, Group 68, and Clinton
    During the 1968 US Presidential campaign, the American antiwar community in Britain formed Americans Abroad for McCarthy, a committee to support antiwar candidate Eugene McCarthy. McCarthy’s campaign did not survive the Democratic National Convention, and Americans Abroad for McCarthy was renamed Group 68: Americans in Britain for United States Withdrawal from Southeast Asia (preserving a modified version of the full name of the Stop It Committee). Norden cofounded Group 68 and chaired the organization from 1968 to 1973.

    Group 68 survived McCarthy’s unsuccessful campaign by diversifying into other activities, such as organizing protests, disseminating propaganda, and supporting draft resisters and antiwar GI’s.

    In these efforts Group 68 worked with a coalition of British antiwar groups that included the British Peace Council, a UK affiliate of the WPC. As McSorley notes, the British Peace Council supported the November 1969 antiwar ceremony where he saw Clinton acting as an organizer. McSorley also refers to the “Committee on Nuclear Disarmament”, possibly referring to the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND), an anti-nuclear group Russell cofounded.

    Clinton’s fellow Rhodes Scholar Alan Bersin specified that Clinton’s organizational function was “contacting Americans in London”. This fits with Group’s 68’s roots in the Stop It Committee and Americans Abroad for McCarthy, which served the function of coordinating American antiwar activity in Britain.

    Group 68 After Clinton: 1970-1978

    The character and connections of Group 68 are further illuminated by consideration of the group’s activity after Clinton left Oxford for Yale in 1970.

    In 1971 Group 68 joined Berrigan brothers lawyer Paul O’Dwyer in championing the cause of Captain Thomas S. Culver, a US Air Force JAG legal officer facing courtmartial. Culver had come from a pacifist family and had been opposed to the Vietnam War before enlisting, but he had not seen his legal duties as contributing to the war effort. He was court-martialed after he participated in antiwar activity near Lakenheath Royal Air Force base during a May 31, 1971 assembly attended by several hundred US Air Force personnel.

    Many of the demonstrators belonged to the GI antiwar group PEACE (People Emerging Against Corrupt Establishment), which had branches at eight US Air Force bases in Britain. PEACE had been founded at a June 1970 antiwar meeting organized by actress Vanessa Redgrave, a member of the Trotskyist group the Workers’ Revolutionary Party. It was mentioned above that Redgrave participated in the November 1969 Moratorium demonstrations Clinton attended. Redgrave financed PEACE, and she participated in the May 1971 event that occasioned Culver’s court-martial.

    Culver was providing legal counsel to PEACE members participating in the event. He and his fellow protestors attempted to create a precedent establishing a loophole in laws against soldiers demonstrating in uniform. They did not wear their uniforms, and they attempted to claim they were not actually “demonstrating” but only “petitioning”. They stayed on the fringes of the crowd and avoided banners and speeches, and instead went silently to the US embassy in separate small groups to turn in an antiwar petition.

    Culver lost his case, and he was convicted of participating in the demonstration and of inciting others to do the same. He was sentenced leniently to a $1,000 fine, avoiding the maximum possible sentence of four years hard labor and a dishonorable discharge. At the time of his sentencing he planned to leave the Air Force to become a lawyer for servicemen in the UK. Following announcement of his sentence, PEACE held an August 1 demonstration protesting the Air Force’s policy.

    Heinz Norden’s papers on Group 68 include a folder on the World Assembly for the Peace and Independence of the Peoples of Indochina, a WPC-sponsored conference held in Paris in February 1972. The assembly was attended by representatives of the US Communist Party and its antiwar coalition, the People’s Coalition for Peace and Justice (PCPJ), including representatives of VVAW. Following this event, Group 68 joined l50 other groups in organizing the Vietnam Vigil to End the War, a year-long daily protest in front of the US Embassy in London.

    In 1973 Group 68 took up the cause of Captain Michael J. Heck, a US Air Force pilot facing courtmartial. Like Culver, Heck came from a pacifist family and had been opposed to the Vietnam War prior to his enlistment. Facing the prospect of being drafted, he joined officer’s candidate school in the hopes of avoiding combat, but to his dismay he ended up getting assigned to B-52 bombing missions. He grudgingly flew 175 bombing missions, but after Christmas 1972, Heck informed his superiors that he refused to fly any more. In February 1973, shortly after the signing of the Vietnam peace agreement in Paris, the Air Force accepted the resignations of Heck and another pilot who had recently refused a bombing mission, Dwight J. Evans, Jr. Following his resignation, Heck told reporters that he was discharged under undisclosed “other than honorable conditions” and planned to appeal with help from his ACLU counsel, Marvin Karpatkin.

    With the Vietnam War ending, Group 68 changed its name in 1974 to Concerned Americans Abroad (CAA). CAA remained active until 1978, working with other leftover antiwar groups, such as the VVAW offshoot Vietnam Veterans Against the War/Winter Soldier Organization (VVAW/WSO). CAA also partnered with antiwar elements of the US Democratic Party, which organized voters in Britain as Democrats Abroad (UK) and sent a representative to the 1976 Democratic National Convention. CAA and its allies campaigned for a range of causes which included the release of political prisoners, amnesty for draft dodgers, the impeachment of President Nixon, the abolition of the CIA, and the defense of renegade CIA agent Philip Agee and his journalist colleague Marc Hosenball (now with Newsweek), who were facing deportation proceedings for disclosing classified information about UK signals intelligence operations. Recent disclosures have confirmed that at this time Agee was cooperating with Soviet and Cuban intelligence to expose CIA operations.
    * * *

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    People Emerging Against Corrupt Establishment
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    Michael Heck
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    Esper, George. “Pilots refused to fly missions; Air Force accepts resignations”. Journal-News. February 10 1973, 1.
    ”Family says B52 chief very religious”. Greeley Daily Tribune. January 11, 1973, 10.

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    Default Re: KGB Operation "Bill Clinton"

    Wednesday, August 22, 2007 4:27:59 PM by Calpernia (Breederville.com)

    The Clintons Terrorist Ties

    http://prorev.com/connex2.htm
    Arkansas Connections: A Time-line of the Clinton Years by Sam Smith - 1990 ON

    http://www.answers.com/topic/clinton-s-pardons-list
    Clinton’s Pardons List: Information From Answers.com

    http://www.newsmax.com/articles/?a=1998/10/1/55325
    How Hillary Nuked Nixon

    http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/news/765080/posts
    The Clinton Files

    http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/bl.../1481988/posts
    REMEMBERING SEPT. 11: BILL CLINTON’S ULTIMATE LEGACY

    Clinton timeline.

    August 19, 1964 - Clinton registers for the draft
    —[Washington Post Sep 13 92]
    September 1964 - Clinton, age 18, enters Georgetown University
    —[The Comeback Kid, CF Allen and J Portis, p. 20]
    November 17, 1964- Clinton is classified 2-S (student deferment). This will shield him from the draft throughout his undergraduate years.
    -—[Wash Post Sep 13 92]
    February 16, 1968 - “The Johnson administration unexpectedly abolished graduate deferments.”
    —[Wash Post Sep 13 92]
    March 20, 1968 - Clinton, age 21, is classified 1-A, eligible for induction, as he nears graduation from Georgetown.
    —[Wash Post Sep 13 92]
    Comment: Bill Clinton was the only man of his prime draft age classified1-A by that draft board in 1968 whose pre-induction physical examination was put off for 10.5 months. This delay was more than twice as long as anyone else and more than five times longer than most area men of comparable eligibility.
    —[Los Angeles Times Sep 02 92]
    Summer 1968 - Political and family influence keeps Clinton out of the draft. Robert Corrado — the only surviving Hot Springs draft board member from that period — concluded that Clinton’s draft statement (the long delays) was the result of “some form of preferential treatment.” According to the Times, “Corrado recalled that the chairman of the three-man draft panel ... once held back Clinton’s file with the explanation that ‘we’ve got to give him time to go to Oxford,’ where the semester began in the fall of 1968.
    Corrado also complained that he was called by an aide to then Senator J. William Fulbright urging him and his fellow board members to ‘give every consideration’ to keep Clinton out of the draft so he could attend Oxford.
    Throughout the remainder of 1968, Corrado said, Clinton’s draft file was routinely held back from consideration by the full board. Consequently, although he was classified 1-A on March 20, 1968, he was not called for his physical exam until Feb 3, 1969, while he was at Oxford.
    Clinton’s Uncle Raymond Clinton personally lobbied Senator Fulbright, William S. Armstrong, the chairman of the three-man Hot Springs draft board, and Lt. Comdr. Trice Ellis, Jr., commanding officer of the local Navy reserve unit, to obtain a slot for Clinton in the Naval Reserve.
    Clinton secured a “standard enlisted man’s billet, not an officer’s slot which would have required Clinton to serve two years on active duty beginning within 12 months of his acceptance.” This Navy Reserve assignment was “created especially for the Bill Clinton at a time in 1968 when no existing reserve slots were open in his hometown unit.”
    According to the LA Times, “after about two weeks waiting for Bill Clinton to arrive for his preliminary interview and physical exam, Ellis said he called (Clinton’s uncle) Raymond to inquire - ‘What happened to that boy?’ According to Ellis, Clinton’s uncle replied - ‘Don’t worry about it. He won’t be coming down. “It’s all been taken care of.’ “
    —[LA Times Sep 02 92]
    Fall 1968 - Because of the local draft board’s continuing postponement of his pre-induction physical, Clinton is able to enroll at Oxford Univ.
    —[Wash Post Sep 13 92]
    February 2, 1969 - While at Oxford, Clinton finally takes and passes a military physical examination.
    —[Washington Times Sep 18 92]
    April 1969 - Clinton receives induction notice from the Hot Springs AR draft board. Clinton however claims that the draft board told him to ignore the notice because it arrived after the deadline for induction.
    —[Wash Post Sep 13 92]
    June-July 1969 - Clinton receives a second induction notice with a July 28 induction date and returns home.
    —[Wash Times Sep 18 92]
    July 11, 1969 - Clinton’s friend at Oxford, Cliff Jackson, writes, “Clinton is feverishly trying to find a way to avoid entering the Army as a drafted private. I have had several of my friends in influential positions trying to pull strings on Bill’s behalf.”
    — [LA Times Sep 26 92]
    Clinton benefited from yet another lobbying campaign in order to evade this induction notice. “Democratic presidential candidate Bill Clinton, who has said he did not pull strings to avoid the Vietnam-era draft, was able to get his Army induction notice canceled in the summer of 1969 after a lobbying effort directed at the Republican head of the state draft agency.” Arrangements were made for Clinton to meet with Col. Williard A. Hawkins who “was the only person in Arkansas with authority to rescind a draft notice. ... The apparently successful appeal to Hawkins was planned while Clinton was finishing his first year as a Rhodes scholar in England. Clinton’s former friend and Oxford classmate, Cliff Jackson — now an avowed political critic of the candidate — said it was pursued immediately upon Clinton’s return to AR in early July 1969 to beat a July 28 deadline for induction.”
    — [LA Times Sep 26 92]
    Comment: Jackson’s statement is contrary to Clinton’s repeated assertions that he received no special treatment in avoiding military service. “(I) never received any unusual or favorable treatment.” [LA Times Sep 02 92]

    http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1507094/posts
    Clinton admitting to being in USSR in 1969 or 1970.
    August 7, 1969 - Clinton is reclassified 1-D after he arranges to enter the ROTC program at the University of Arkansas.
    —[Wash Post Sep 13 92]
    According to Cliff Jackson, Clinton’s Oxford classmate, Clinton used the ROTC program to “kill the draft notice, to avoid reporting on the July 28 induction date, which had already been postponed. And he did that by promising to serve his country in the ROTC, number one, to enroll in the law school that fall ... and he never enrolled.”
    —[Wash Times Sep 17 92]
    Comment - Clinton’s admission into the ROTC program again runs contrary to his repeated statements that he received no special treatment in order to evade military service. Col. Eugene Holmes, commander of the University of Arkansas ROTC program, said Clinton was admitted after pressure from the Hot Springs draft board and the office of Senator J. William Fulbright (D-AR).
    Again, Clinton was receiving preferential treatment. In addition, records from the Army reveal that Clinton was not legally eligible for the ROTC program at that time. Army regulations required recruits to be enrolled at the university and attending classes full-time before being admitted to an ROTC program.
    Fall 1969 - Clinton returns to Oxford for a second year. Clinton was supposed to be at the Arkansas Law School. However, according to Cliff Jackson, “Sen. Fulbright’s office and Bill himself continued to exert tremendous pressure on poor Col. Holmes to get him [Clinton] to go back to Oxford.”
    —[Wash Post Sep 13 92]
    September 14, 1969 - The Arkansas Gazette, published in Little Rock, headlined a draft suspension was reportedly planned by the President.
    Comment - The article, citing a source, said Selective
    Service reforms when implemented, would only permit the conscription of 19-year-old men. In addition, the source said “the Army would send to Vietnam only enlistees, professional soldiers, and those draftees who volunteered to go.” The source contended that these reforms, combined with troop withdrawals, “would put pressure on the Congress to enact draft legislation already proposed by the President ... and set up a lottery to conscript only 19-year-old men,” the Gazette reported.
    From his letter to Col. Holmes, Bill Clinton said “....Finally, on Sept. 12 I stayed up all night writing a letter to the chairman of my draft board,......I never mailed the letter, but I did carry it on me every day until I got on the plane to return to England.”. It is very probable that Bill Clinton was in the United States and well aware of the above proposal on Sep 14, 1969. Bill Clinton was 23 years old.
    September 19, 1969 - “President Nixon, facing turmoil on college campuses, suspended draft calls for November and December of 1969 and said the October call would be spread out over three months.”
    —[Wash Post Sep 13 92]
    The President also indicated that if the Congress did not act to establish a lottery system, he would remove by executive order the vulnerability to the draft of all men age 20 to 26.
    Comment - Again, Clinton was 23 years old.
    September-October 1969 - “At some point, Clinton decided to make himself eligible for the draft and said in February 1992 his stepfather had acted in his behalf to accomplish this. Newsweek, attributing the information to campaign officials, said this all happened in Oct 1969. Clinton spokesperson Betsey Wright ... said she believed it took place in September. The difference is potentially significant. ... If Clinton did not act to give up his deferment until October, he could have known he faced no liability from the draft until the following summer, that he could take his chances with the lottery and find alternative service if he got a low number.”
    —[Wash Post Sep 13 92]
    October 1, 1969 - “Nixon announced that anyone in graduate school could complete the full year.”
    —[Wash Post Sep 13 92]
    Comment - Clinton is now safe from the draft through June 1970.
    October 1969 - President Nixon suspends call-up of additional draftees until a draft lottery is held in December.
    October 15, 1969 - Clinton organized and led anti-war demonstrations in London.
    — [Wash Times Sep 18 92]
    Comment - According to McSorley, Clinton’s demonstrations “had the support of British peace organizations” such as the British Peace Council, an arm of the KGB-backed World Peace Council.
    October 30, 1969 - Clinton is reclassified 1-A, eligible for induction.
    —[Wash Times Sep 28 92]
    Comment - “Clinton said he put himself into the draft by contacting his draft board in September or October and asking to be reclassified 1-A. ... It is not clear, however, whether that occurred at Clinton’s urging or whether his failure to enroll at University of Arkansas automatically cancelled his 1-D deferment.”
    Clinton has never produced any evidence to substantiate his claim that he initiated his reclassification.
    November 16, 1969 - Clinton organized and led anti-war demonstrations in London.
    December 1, 1969 - Clinton draws #311 in the first draft lottery.
    —[Wash Times Sep 18 92]
    Comment - Clinton was virtually assured that he would not be drafted because of the high lottery number.
    December 3, 1969 - While still in England, Clinton writes to Lt. Col. Eugene Holmes, , commander of the University of Arkansas ROTC Program and states, “From my work I came to believe that the draft system is illegitimate ... I decided to accept the draft in spite of my beliefs for one reason - to maintain my political viability.”
    http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/ne...posts?page=1#1
    Clinton’s ROTC Letter As Entered in Congressional Record (Page: H5550) 7/30/93

    Mr. Walinsky recalled that Mr. [John] Kerry flew him around the state of New York for several Vietnam Moratorium protests in October 1969.
    ------------------------------------------------------------
    As September approached, Bill Clinton fails to enroll at the University Arkansas and returns to England around mid-September of 1969. It is quite clear that major changes in the draft would be forthcoming in the next few days or weeks. Clinton's appearance at Oxford was unexpected and he had to sleep on the floor in his friend's room.
    In October and again in November 1969 Clinton organized and led anti-war demonstrations in London, England with the support of the British Peace Council, which was backed by the World Peace Council who was a front for the KGB.
    October 30, 1969 Clinton was automatically reclassified to 1-A eligible for induction, after he failed to enroll at the University of Arkansas. Bill Clinton today, claims he volunteer for the draft but has no proof. Regardless, by this time a freeze was put on the draft until the lottery was established.
    The Selective Service Lottery was held on December 1, 1969. Clinton's birthday draws number 311 in the first lottery. This high number guarantees Clinton will not be called up for the draft.
    Two days later Clinton writes his infamous ROTC letter to Col. Holmes thanking him for saving him from the draft.
    -----------------------------------------

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    Nikita Khrushchev: "We will bury you"
    "Your grandchildren will live under communism."
    “You Americans are so gullible.
    No, you won’t accept
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    outright, but we’ll keep feeding you small doses of
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    until you’ll finally wake up and find you already have communism.

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    We’ll so weaken your
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    until you’ll
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    like overripe fruit into our hands."



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    Creepy Ass Cracka & Site Owner Ryan Ruck's Avatar
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    Default Re: KGB Operation "Bill Clinton"

    Holy cow that's a long piece!

    I'll have to go back and read it later.

    Bill Clinton's time in the Soviet Union is one thing that has gone highly under-reported since he was in office.

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    Default Re: KGB Operation "Bill Clinton"

    Quote Originally Posted by Ryan Ruck View Post
    Holy cow that's a long piece!

    I'll have to go back and read it later.

    Bill Clinton's time in the Soviet Union is one thing that has gone highly under-reported since he was in office.
    You know what is even sadder? The Left Media has protected him this long so they could get Obama in office - and now, it's pretty much a moot point about Clinton.

    They will never try him for treason - and Obama is not going to get fried either because they are doing all in their power to guard him from being vetted.
    Libertatem Prius!


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    Default Re: KGB Operation "Bill Clinton"

    "There is only the Fight”

    By: Andrew Walden
    FrontPageMagazine.com | Tuesday, August 21, 2007



    Hillary Clinton has a written life plan, but there have been only two copies available to the public—until now. Written in 1969, and kept under lock and key during her years as First Lady, Hillary’s Wellesley College senior thesis has only been readable in person at the campus library and in a single microfilm copy made available to individual researchers on inter-library loan. Clinton lawyers have previously blocked people who sought to make it public.

    A read of the 92-page thesis, titled “There is only the Fight, An Analysis of the Alinsky model” makes it clear why the Clintons wanted this document suppressed. Hillary doesn’t just want to pass laws or implement policy. Hillary explains: “If the ideals Alinsky espouses were actualized, the result would be social revolution.” Somehow, recent articles on the thesis by the Washington Post, Boston Globe and MSNBC all missed this little detail.

    Read Hillary’s thesis here: http://gopublius.com/hillary-clintons-wellesley-thesis
    In her alleged autobiography, Living History, Hillary explains the importance her thesis:

    “My senior year at Wellesley would further test and articulate my beliefs. For my thesis I analyzed the work of a Chicago native and community organizer named Saul Alinsky…I agreed with some of Alinsky’s ideas…but we had a fundamental disagreement. (Alinsky) believed you could change the system only from the outside. I didn’t.…my decision (to go to law school instead of training as an Alinsky organizer) was an expression of my belief that the system could be changed from within.” This is critical to understanding Hillary’s life plan. Also notable are the many things about Alinsky which did not

    Saul Alinsky (1909-1972) was one of the nation’s foremost community organizers, publishing several books and creating organizations which continue today. He gave a wide ranging Playboy Magazine interview shortly before his death. In it he gives a detailed description of his 1930s life as a communist fellow-traveler.

    Alinsky told Playboy, “I knew plenty of Communists in those days, and I worked with them on a number of projects. Back in the Thirties, the Communists did a hell of a lot of good work…. Anybody who tells you he was active in progressive causes in those days and never worked with the Reds is a goddamn liar. Their platform stood for all the right things, and unlike many liberals, they were willing to put their bodies on the line. Without the Communists, for example, I doubt the C.I.O. could have won all the battles it did. I was also sympathetic to Russia in those days, not because I admired Stalin or the Soviet system but because it seemed to be the only country willing to stand up to Hitler. I was in charge of a big part of fund raising for the International Brigade and in that capacity I worked in close alliance with the Communist Party.

    “When the Nazi-Soviet Pact came, though, and I refused to toe the party line and urged support for England and for American intervention in the war, the party turned on me tooth and nail. Chicago Reds plastered the Back of the Yards with big posters featuring a caricature of me with a snarling, slavering fanged mouth and wild eyes, labeled, ‘This is the face of a warmonger.’"

    Alinsky’s roots, are in the corrupt machine politics of Chicago—also Hillary’s hometown. In the Playboy interview, Alinsky also describes his close work with mobster Frank Nitti and Al Capone’s gang and his relationship with the emerging CIO and the Roosevelt administration. He describes how he used these connections to make a 1930s deal with then-Chicago Mayor Edward Kelly to deliver a meatpackers’ union contract—one of his earliest “organizing” victories.

    Interviewed about “A Woman in Charge”, his biography of Hillary Clinton, Carl Bernstein explains, “She chose Yale (in 1969) because, unlike Harvard, where she had also been accepted, it was an activist school that very much believed in the use of the law as an instrument for social change—in the mold of Thurgood Marshall…. This was the year of the Black Panther trial in New Haven. She monitored the trial to see if there were any abuses of the rights of the Panthers on trial, and helped schedule the monitors. Her reports were turned over to the ACLU.

    “That summer she went to work at the most important radical law firm in America at that point: Truehaft, Walker and Bernstein in Oakland. They defended the Panthers. Two of their partners were members of the Communist Party—including Bob Truehaft, who was married to Jessica Mitford. I talked to Bob Truehaft not long before he died, and he said he was certain that Hillary came there because she subscribed to some of the kind of law they practiced and the kind of clients they defended. In her so-called autobiography, ‘Living History,’ she put in a couple of sentences about living in Berkeley with Bill that summer and working at that law firm, but she makes it sound like their work focused on postal rate increases. There’s not a word about radicals.”

    In spite of the Clintons’ efforts to suppress information about this period, Hillary often refers back to it. In the July 23, 2007 Democrat presidential debate Hillary pointed out, “I have 35 years of being a change agent.” In a January 22, 2007 interview Hillary again referred to the same touchstone: “Bill and I started a conversation 35 years ago about our country.” In an 1993 Washington Post article, Hillary invoked her thesis in defense of nationalized health care and pointed out: “You know, I've been on this kick for 25 years.”

    This probably explains the efforts by Clinton backers to deflect attention from the thesis.

    Wellesley emeritus professor Alan Schechter a Clinton donor and friend calls the idea that her thesis is a key to understanding her character, “moronic”. Interviewed earlier this year by MSNBC, his blustering semi-literate response is another clue to the thesis’ importance.

    It is easy to label Alinsky “communist” and be done with it. But that would cost the reader the opportunity to study the inner nature of Alinsky’s activities. It is that inner nature which plays itself out over three decades later in Hillary’s quest for power. As Hillary explains:

    “Alinsky outlines American history focusing on men he would call ‘radical’, confronting his readers again with the ‘unique’ way Americans have synthesized the alien roots of radicalism, Marxism, Utopian socialism, syndicalism, the French revolution …”

    Alinsky’s experience with the gangs and his lifelong symbiosis with Chicago machine are part of that synthesis. Alinsky believed that the end justified any means. This common amoral attitude has led many radicals over the cliff. The Alinsky difference? The Washington Post points out: “To mark his differences with the bomb-throwers, he subtitled his second book ‘A Pragmatic Primer for Realistic Radicals.’" That pragmatism and the absolute belief in his own rightness were his only moral compasses as a community organizer.

    In the MSNBC article, Schechter clumsily tries to distance Hillary from Alinsky: “…she's not a radical at all. I think she's very mainstream. She's a pragmatist. She's a much more thoughtful, cautious, careful, pragmatic person…” Of course Alinsky’s organizing technique was the application of pragmatism to radicalism. Schechter is perhaps laughing at an American public he sees as ignorant. But his arrogance is brittle. Given Hillary’s high negative poll ratings, it may be the American voter who has the last laugh. Clinton critic Peggy Noonan is exactly right when she describes Hillary’s senior thesis as the, “Rosetta stone of Hillary studies.”

    While claiming radicals represent democracy, Hillary makes no bones about the connection between Alinsky’s successes and machine politics. Speaking of Alinsky’s signature community organizing effort in The Back of The Yards, a run-down Chicago neighborhood, Hillary explains: “… much of the community’s influence is traceable not to its ‘burning passion’ but to its most illustrious resident, Mayor Richard J. Daley. Mayor Dailey’s assumption of political power in the early 1950s curiously parallels the Council’s growth in power. Many of the mayor’s staff are also residents and share the mayor’s loyalty to the neighborhood.” (P 21-22)

    In 2000, the late Barbara Olson got a copy of Hillary’s thesis and noted: “Perhaps the most prescient part of the thesis is a quote from a profile of Alinsky in The Economist: ‘His charm lies in his ability to commit himself completely to the people in the room with him. In a shrewd though subtle way, he often manipulates them while speaking directly to their experience.’ Although her thesis was written several years before she cornered Bill Clinton in the Yale Law School library, Hillary had come to recognize the potential power of a man of exceptional charm.”

    Since it has remained effectively hidden for most of 38 years it cannot be said that the thesis guided anybody’s actions other than Hillary’s—but that makes the document more significant, not less. “There is only the fight” starts from the end of Alinsky’s life to anticipate the path her fellow radicals would soon begin taking from campus activism to positions of power as the bureaucrats, journalists, academics, and elected officials of today. Hillary then charts the course which will place her at the head of this transformed cultural, intellectual and power elite.

    Communists seek to acquire power through social revolution and then re-shape man. Hillary’s theme is the same as Alinsky’s: Acquire power and use it to re-shape man through social revolution. For the past three and a half decades the radicals whose formative experiences were shaped by the year 1968 have been doing exactly that. As Hillary explains:

    “A Radical is one who advocates sweeping changes in existing laws and methods of government. These proposed changes are aimed at the roots of political problems which in Marxian terms are the attitudes and behaviors of men.” (P 10)

    In Living History, Hillary explains: “He (Alinsky) believed you could change the system only from the outside. I didn’t. …my decision (to go to law school instead of training as an Alinsky organizer) was an expression of my belief that the system could be changed from within.” Graduating from Wellesley, Hillary went on to Yale Law School—perhaps the ultimate “insider” preparation. The path she chose not to take is appended to her thesis: a written invitation from Alinsky to join his “Industrial Areas Foundation Training Institute”. cause Hillary to have “fundamental disagreement.”


    The Washington Post also points out Alinsky as a point of reference for Hillary: “…She told an interviewer shortly after Bill Clinton became president that government programs were too often administered from on high, with too little effect. ‘I basically argued that [Alinsky] was right. Even at that early stage, I was against all these people who came up with these big government programs that were more supportive of bureaucracies than actually helpful to people. You know, I've been on this kick for 25 years.’”

    Hillary’s thinking, described extensively in her thesis as part of a joint Hillary-Alinsky critique of the War on Poverty, may underlie the eventual Clinton acquiescence to the mid-1990s welfare reforms imposed by the Republican-controlled Congress. While free-marketers view social programs as stifling individual economic initiative, Hillary viewed the stultifying effects of dependency creating programs as an obstacle to radicalizing the recipients. Unlike small-government conservatives, Hillary does not oppose massive federal programs, she wants to use them in a way which polarizes and politicizes the nation.

    Hillary quotes one Chicago official of Lyndon Johnson’s ‘War on poverty’ talking about the Temporary Woodlawn Organization, an Alinsky group:

    “We … believe it imperative that some means be developed to reclaim these poor, hard-core youth…to test whether the mechanisms of the gang structures could not assist in shifting attitudes toward productive adult citizenship.” She then quotes Nathan Glazer describing the involvement of gangs in Alinsky’s TWO group: “(it is as if) someone had been convinced by a sociologist that change and reform are spurred by conflict and decided that, since all good things can come from the American Government, it ought to provide conflict, too.” (p 34-35)

    This is not the only connection between gang violence and Alinsky organizations. Hillary later notes, “The relationship between the Newark riots in the summer of 1967, and the local poverty agency which was one of the few in the country to operate autonomously, is still a matter of investigation.” It was these ‘polarizing’ events which transformed black voters from solid Republicans to being over 90% Democrats. As ethnic whites headed to the suburbs, American cities controlled by segregation-oriented Democrat political machines were transformed into political bastions of radicalism. Decades later the result can be seen in decaying, crime-riddled northern inner cities often represented by America’s most extreme elected leftists.

    Hillary argues, “Alinsky claims a position of moral relativism, but his moral context is stabilized by a belief in the eventual manifestation of the goodness of man. … the main driving force behind his push for organization is the effect that belonging to a group working for a common purpose has on the men he has organized.” (p. 10) This rhetoric is familiar to anybody who has listened to leftist apologetics for the human rights abuses of socialist regimes. All means are justified by a theoretical end which is somehow never reached.

    Hillary gushes orgasmicly: “The key word for an Alinsky-type organizing effort is ‘power.’ The question is how one acquires power, and Alinsky’s answer is through organization… For Alinsky, power is the ‘very essence of life, the dynamic of life’ and is found in ‘…active citizen participation pulsing upward providing a unified strength for a common purpose of organization….’” (P. 7-8)

    What is the “social revolution” Hillary and the radicals-cum-insiders want? Hillary doesn’t want to merely make law or implement policy; she wants to re-shape humanity in her own image. She explains: “A radical is one who advocates sweeping changes in the existing laws and methods of government. These proposed changes are aimed at the roots of political problems which in Marxian terms are the attitudes and the behaviors of men.” (p. 6)

    How will Hillary bring about the new man? Hillary -- currently the most polarizing figure in American politics -- wrote 38 years ago: “…polarization between those who believed in him and those who denounced him as a hate-monger delighted Alinsky: ‘In order to organize, you must first polarize. People think of controversy as negative; they think consensus is better. But to organize, you need a Bull Connor or a Jim Clark.’”

    The purpose of organizing is not to achieve the stated goals of the organizers, but to create the new man. “…the main driving force behind his push for organization is the effect that belonging to a group working for a common purpose has on the men he has organized.” There is only the fight—any stated cause is secondary to the goal of creating the new man. This knowledge is necessary to any understanding of the left in America today.

    If there indeed is “only the fight.” Then what else is left of life? In her 1969 commencement speech at Wellesley, Hillary said, “Every protest, every dissent… is unabashedly an attempt to forge an identity in this particular age. That attempt at forging for many of us over the past four years has meant coming to terms with our humanness.” For Hillary when she says “only” the fight, she really means it. “The fight” is her identity. In order to make “the fight” everyone’s identity, “political correctness” was invented.

    Her 1969 commencement address, a denunciation of Republican Sen. Edward Brooke of Massachusetts, the first black US Senator elected in over 100 years, did forge Hillary’s identity. As Carl Bernstein points out, “When he finished, Hillary got up and extemporaneously excoriated him. As a result of that speech, she was featured in Life magazine as exemplary of this new generation of student leaders. They ran a picture of her in pedal pushers and her Coke-bottle glasses. That article made her well known in the student movement in the U.S. …When she arrived (at Yale), her reputation preceded her. It was perhaps greater than her real accomplishments. She was becoming a generational spokesperson, anointed by others. That’s when she met Bill; at that point she was much more famous that he was.”

    Hillary describes an Alinsky speech: “‘Is There Life After Birth?’, presented before the Episcopal Theological Seminary in 1967…Alinsky concludes that what is at stake is our individual and collective sanity. Unlike the philosopher or artist, he looks for salvation in the political system.” (p. 68-69) Life itself flows from the political system. Believers may note where it is that Alinsky and Hillary do not look for ‘salvation’.

    The view of life as political power may help explain Hillary’s recent proposal to create a national public service academy modeled on military academies. She wants to create an even-larger cadre of people whose entire existence revolves around the acquisition and use of power. Ironically, as Hillary made the announcement July 28 at a College Democrats conference in South Carolina, a heckler waving a sign reading, “She doesn't care, all she wants is the power” was hustled out of the auditorium.

    Hillary’s point of departure from Alinsky is not really a difference. Like all socialists, Alinsky and Hillary find themselves starting from the ruins of past failures.

    As Hillary explains: “One of the people who now recognizes (sic) the anachronistic nature of small autonomous conflict organizations is Alinsky himself. A critique of the power/conflict model for community organization in 1969 can no longer be a critique of the Alinsky-method because that method has undergone a significant evolution since its coalescence in 1939. Those who build models frequently leave their obsolescent ruins behind them for others to play with while they begin building anew. Alinsky’s evolution within the context of the last thirty years places in relief America’s great challenge: the search for a viable community….” (p. 61)

    The post WW2 period was marked by massive wealth-creation and the establishment of the “viable communities” known as suburbs. Americans first voted with their feet and were then pushed by urban disturbances created in part by federal funds distributed under the ‘War on Poverty’.

    Hillary and Alinsky focus not on this socio-economic transformation, but on the reduced opportunities for power based on radicalization of the shrunken population left behind in the cities. More than two decades of post-war economic prosperity literally yanked the poor out from under Alinsky leaving “ruins” of the former Alinsky model. Prosperity, founded on private property, undermines the potential for radical social revolution. Hillary quotes Alinsky: “The radical places human rights far above property rights.” (p 6)

    Hillary’s plan to slip this trap leads her to desire massive Federal power to use as a post-industrial era replacement for community organizing. She explains: “A primary reason for the obsolescence of (Alinsky’s) power/conflict model is that the unit to which it applies, the territorially-defined community, is no longer a workable societal unit. …

    Accompanying the decline of the traditional neighborhood as a living unit were the massive centralization of power on the federal level and the growth of the suburbs. Federal centralization reduced local and state power…(p. 62)

    “Alinsky, when asked by Daniel P. Moynihan to work with the new Nixon administration, grandiosely offered Moynihan his plans for solving the urban crisis, the destruction of the environment, and the dissatisfaction of the citizenry. He urged the establishment of work projects in the Southwest to bring water to that area, in the Middle West to save the Great Lakes, in the Mississippi Valley to prevent flooding and in any other part of the country where men and women are needed to counteract modernity’s assault on the land…. (p 73) (Apparently massive public works do not constitute ‘modernity’.)

    “Alinsky's proposals carry obvious spin-off effects. The need for workers could be filled from among the un- and under-employed in the cities. The model integrated communities constructed to house the workers would be self-governing. The projects, administered by bureaucrats and staffed by credentialed experts, would provide attractive recompense and job satisfaction to lure people away from the megalopoli.” (p. 73)

    For Hillary, even world war and economic depression are seen in terms of their political impact: “When one moves beyond the city and local issues, the idea of independent national organizing seems impossible. The Depression demonstrated the feasibility of federally controlled planning, and a massive war effort convinced us of its necessity.” (p. 72)

    This should inform any understanding of the Clinton critique of President Bush’s handling of the War on Terror. Limited war does not convince anybody of the necessity of “federally controlled planning.” Those expecting her to bring peace may be in for a big surprise if she wins the Presidency in 2008.

    Hillary’s life work has been to acquire and use Federal Power to polarize Americans and through conflict create the new man. A Hillary Presidency could be the last chance for her aging generation of campus radicals to remake America in their own image.


    Who was Saul Alinsky?

    by Jed Babbin
    03/09/2007



    That Hillary Clinton’s college thesis was a paen to Saul Alinsky will be the subject of much politico-psychoanalysis for years to come. As HUMAN EVENTS Assistant Editor Amanda Carpenter’s article makes clear, the study of Alinsky’s methods apparently created much of Sen. Clinton’s political persona, and formed the basis of her political methodology. So who was Alinsky?

    Alinsky was born in Chicago in 1909. Hillary Rodham’s thesis is very revealing of Alinsky’s view of American life. It says, “…after graduating from the University of Chicago, Alinsky received a fellowship in criminology with a first assignment to get a look at crime from the inside of gangs. He attached himself to the Capone gang, attaining a perspective from which he viewed the gang as a huge quasi-public utility serving the people of Chicago.”Alinsky -- in that and other experiences -- became an academic-turned-radical, a personality type first found among the press covering the Russian revolution of 1917-18 and that became much more common five decades later, forming the basis of the Vietnam anti-war movement. He and others like him would find America’s adversaries -- within and outside the law -- more attractive than America itself.

    Saul Alinsky’s radicalism was expressed in his 1971 book, “Rules for Radicals: A Pragmatic Primer for Realistic Radicals.” In that book, Alinsky said, “Lest we forget at least an over-the-shoulder acknowledgment to the very first radical: from all our legends, mythology, and history (and who is to know where mythology leaves off and history begins -- or which is which), the first radical known to man who rebelled against the establishment and did it so effectively that he at least won his own kingdom -- Lucifer.” Alinsky never saw himself as the devil, but as some radical angel who could bedevil “the Establishment” and force it to change to assuage pressures from community organizations.

    In her closing, Hillary compared Alinsky to others who had been feared, “… as the proponent of a dangerous socio/political philosophy…just as Eugene Debs, Walt Whitman or Martin Luther King had been feared, because each embraced the most radical of political faiths -- democracy.” Ms. Rodham apparently admired those three in the same manner and degree that she admired Alinsky.

    Young Hillary Rodham’s admiration of Alinsky is, in a way, revealing of her young self. In one part of the thesis, she quotes an article from The Economist that called Alinsky, “Plato on the Barricades”:

    His charm lies in his ability to commit himself completely to the people in the room with him. In a shrewd though subtle way he often manipulates them while speaking directly to their experience. Still he is a man totally at ease with himself, mainly because he loves his work which always seems to be changing -- new communities, new contests, new fights.

    But that is a description of the young Bill Clinton as much as it is of Alinsky. Alinsky died in 1972. Bill and Hillary Clinton married in 1975. We will never know if she was drawn to him because she saw a reflection of her lost radical hero.

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    Default Re: KGB Operation "Bill Clinton"

    This article tells me one important thing.

    Obama and Hillary were in CAHOOTS all the way through the election. It didn't matter WHO got the nomination, they BOTH would have had positions within the US government.....
    Libertatem Prius!


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    Default Re: KGB Operation "Bill Clinton"

    Which would give explanation to the question people ask about Obama's eligibility, "If this were a real problem, why didn't Hillary come out with this information?"

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    Default Re: KGB Operation "Bill Clinton"

    Hillary Clinton's 'secret' Alinsky thesis EXPOSED!!!

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    Reader "Holly" writes:

    Did you know Hillary's senior thesis was on Alinsky, and she has prevented it from being released ever since she came to prominence?

    Well, that furtive Mrs. Clinton is no match for my Google-Fu! I found a .pdf image file of her thesis and a text-based .pdf file of her thesis generated using optical-character recognition software.

    Some industrious soul ought to use that OCR version to generate a plain-text file to make sure that the secret thesis gets maximum exposure.
    UPDATE -- Someone did. Reader Garry Jaffe did the yeoman's work, here is download link for the thesis in Word document form


    Posted at 12:26:38 PM

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    Default Re: KGB Operation "Bill Clinton"

    Wonder how they got this? Most of this crap was purged according to the WH before.
    Libertatem Prius!


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    Default Re: KGB Operation "Bill Clinton"

    Panama Papers Reveal Clinton’s Kremlin Connection

    John and Tony Podesta aren’t fooling anyone

    By John R. Schindler • 04/07/16 1:00pm


    Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton. (Photo: Jeff Swensen/Getty Images)

    The revelations of the so-called Panama Papers that are roiling the world’s political and financial elites this week include important facts about Team Clinton. This unprecedented trove of documents purloined from a shady Panama law firm that arranged tax havens, and perhaps money laundering, for the globe’s super-rich includes juicy insights into how Russia’s elite hides its ill-gotten wealth.

    Almost lost among the many revelations is the fact that Russia’s biggest bank uses The Podesta Group as its lobbyist in Washington, D.C. Though hardly a household name, this firm is well known inside the Beltway, not least because its CEO is Tony Podesta, one of the best-connected Democratic machers in the country. He founded the firm in 1998 with his brother John, formerly chief of staff to President Bill Clinton, then counselor to President Barack Obama, Mr. Podesta is the very definition of a Democratic insider. Outsiders engage the Podestas and their well-connected lobbying firm to improve their image and get access to Democratic bigwigs.

    Which is exactly what Sberbank, Russia’s biggest financial institution, did this spring. As reported at the end of March, the Podesta Group registered with the U.S. Government as a lobbyist for Sberbank, as required by law, naming three Podesta Group staffers: Tony Podesta plus Stephen Rademaker and David Adams, the last two former assistant secretaries of state. It should be noted that Tony Podesta is a big-money bundler for the Hillary Clinton presidential campaign while his brother John is the chairman of that campaign, the chief architect of her plans to take the White House this November.

    Sberbank (Savings Bank in Russian) engaged the Podesta Group to help its public image—leading Moscow financial institutions not exactly being known for their propriety and wholesomeness—and specifically to help lift some of the pain of sanctions placed on Russia in the aftermath of the Kremlin’s aggression against Ukraine, which has caused real pain to the country’s hard-hit financial sector.

    It’s hardly surprising that Sberbank sought the help of Democratic insiders like the Podesta Group to aid them in this difficult hour, since they clearly understand how American politics work. The question is why the Podesta Group took Sberbank’s money. That financial institution isn’t exactly hiding in the shadows—it’s the biggest bank in Russia, and its reputation leaves a lot to be desired. Nobody acquainted with Russian finance was surprised that Sberbank wound up in the Panama Papers.

    Since the brothers are destined for very high-level jobs if the Democrats triumph in November, their relationship is something they—and Clinton—need to explain.

    Although Sberbank has its origins in the nineteenth century, it was functionally reborn after the Soviet collapse, and it the 1990s it grew to be the dominant bank in the country, today controlling nearly 30 percent of Russia’s aggregate banking assets and employing a quarter-million people. The majority stockholder in Sberbank is Russia’s Central Bank. In other words, Sberbank is functionally an arm of the Kremlin, although it’s ostensibly a private institution.

    Certainly Western intelligence is well acquainted with Sberbank, noting its close relationship with Vladimir Putin and his regime. Funds moving through Sberbank are regularly used to support clandestine Russian intelligence operations, while the bank uses its offices abroad as cover for the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service or SVR. A NATO counterintelligence official explained that Sberbank, which has outposts in almost two dozen foreign countries, “functions as a sort of arm of the SVR outside Russia, especially because many of its senior employees are ‘former’ Russian intelligence officers.” Inside the country, Sberbank has an equally cosy relationship with the Federal Security Service or FSB, Russia’s powerful domestic intelligence agency.

    Ukraine has pointed a finger at Sberbank as an instrument of Russia’s aggression against their country. In 2014, Ukraine’s Security Service charged Sberbank with “financing terrorism,” noting that its branches were distributing millions of dollars in illegal aid to Russian-backed separatists fighting in eastern Ukraine. Kyiv’s conclusion, that Sberbank is a witting supporter of Russian aggression against Ukraine, is broadly supported by Western intelligence. “Sberbank is the Kremlin, they don’t do anything major without Putin’s go-ahead, and they don’t tell him ‘no’ either,” explained a retired senior U.S. intelligence official with extensive experience in Eastern Europe.

    In addition, Ukrainian intelligence has alleged that the FSB collaborated with Sberbank in the bombings of two of the bank’s branches in Kyiv, Ukraine’s capital, in June 2015. The attacks caused no casualties but got major coverage in Russian state media as “proof” of Ukraine’s instability and violent anti-Russian nature. Although the notion that Russian spies would plant bombs as a provocation, what the Kremlin terms provokatsiya, may sound outlandish to those unacquainted with espionage, in fact Russian spies have been doing such things since tsarist times. What I’ve termed “fake terrorism” is a longstanding Kremlin core competency, and it can only be pulled off with logistical support, including with finances.

    Predictably, Sberbank has blown off the Panama Papers revelations as nothing of consequence, but the fact that they are an arm of the Kremlin and they do plenty of shady things in many countries is a matter of record. As is the fact that the Podesta Group is their lobbyist in America.

    Among the Sberbank subsidiaries that the Podesta Group also represents are the Cayman Islands-based Troika Dialog Group Limited, the Cyprus-based SBGB Cyprus Limited, and the Luxembourg-based SB International. As reported this week by the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project, a consortium of journalists exploring the Panama Papers leak, Sberbank and Troika Dialog are used by members of Mr. Putin’s inner circle to shift public funds into sometimes questionable private investments. In other words, this is top-level money laundering of a brazen kind. As the OCCRP stated plainly, “Some of these companies were initially connected to the Troika Dialog investment fund, which was controlled and run by Sberbank after the bank bought the Troika Dialog investment bank. Troika and Sberbank declined to comment.”

    Adding to shadiness of all this, the Podesta Group is playing along with the useful charade that Sberbank is simply a private financial institution, rather than the state-owned bank that it is, since that would require the lobbyists to register as agents of the Russian government under the Foreign Agent Registration Act.

    John and Tony Podesta aren’t fooling anyone with this ruse. They are lobbyists for Vladimir Putin’s personal bank of choice, an arm of his Kremlin and its intelligence services. Since the brothers Podesta are presumably destined for very high-level White House jobs next January if the Democrats triumph in November at the polls, their relationship with Sberbank is something they—and Hillary Clinton—need to explain to the public.

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    Default Re: KGB Operation "Bill Clinton"

    Disturbing Revelations About Hillary And Her 'Russian Reset' Pal Putin


    Russian President Vladimir Putin, left, meets U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton on her arrival at the APEC summit in Vladivostok, Russia, Saturday, Sept. 8, 2012. Were Clinton's ties to Putin much closer than thought, a new report asks? (AP)



    • 8/01/2016


    Election 2016:
    At the recent Democratic National Convention, the party of the donkey worked overtime at remaking Hillary Clinton's image from one of an ethically challenged political operator to one of a caring champion of children and families. But as new revelations about her shady dealings with Russia emerge, it may all be for nought.

    New revelations from Peter Schweizer, the author of the meticulously documented book "Clinton Cash," and Stephen K. Bannon, executive chairman of Breitbart, show that Hillary's campaign Chairman John Podesta "sat on the board of a small energy company alongside Russian officials that received $35 million from a Putin-connected Russian government fund."

    Making things worse, Podesta never fully disclosed the relationship, as the law requires. But of greater concern than Podesta is what it says about Clinton's strange and mutually beneficial relationship with Russia that led to Clinton lending a hand in helping Vladimir Putin build Skolkovo, a high-tech community meant to be "the Russian equivalent of America's Silicon Valley."

    This is not some sort of free-enterprise experiment. As the authors detail in a study published by the Government Accountability Institute, some 30,000 workers toiled in the state-of-the-art tech hub "under strict governmental control." While Clinton was in charge at the State Department, the U.S. recruited a bunch of U.S. high-tech powerhouses -- including Google, Cisco and Intel -- to take part in the project. Of the 28 companies from the U.S., Europe and Russia that took part, 17 were donors to the Clinton Foundation or paid for Bill Clinton to give speeches.

    It's yet another stunning example of the Clinton Foundation's growing list of conflicts of interest, suggesting that Hillary used the State Department's offices to line her family's pockets through the Clinton Foundation. Don't forget that, with her email carelessness on her home-brew server during her tenure as secretary of state, Hillary has already exposed the United States' most secret information to the Russian government. As radio talk show host and law professor Hugh Hewitt noted Monday: "Hillary is already a Putin pawn."

    This was no accident. Nor was it innocent. FBI Assistant Special Agent Lucia Ziobro in 2014 sent a letter to several U.S. corporate participants in the project warning: "The (Skolkovo) foundation may be a means for the Russian government to access our nation's sensitive or classified research development facilities and dual-use technologies with military and commercial application."

    Ziobro continued, "The FBI believes the true motives of the Russian partners, who are often funded by the government, is to gain access to classified, sensitive, and emerging technology from the companies."

    Which brings us back to Podesta. He sat on the board of a tiny energy company named Joule Unlimited, write Bannon and Schweizer. A mere two months after he joined the board, Rusnano, founded by Vladimir Putin in 2007, invested $35 million in the company. Podesta sat on three separate boards of Joule-affiliated corporate entities, but only reported two.

    Moreover, Podesta's own leftist think tank, the Center for American Progress, got $5.25 million from a group called the Sea Change Foundation in the four years ending in 2013. Sea Change, in return, had received what the authors call "a large infusion of funds from a mysterious Bermuda-based entity called 'Klein Ltd.,' " which appears to have Russian ties.

    This puts Clinton's actions while in office under deep suspicion -- including her enabling a "reset" with Russia that seems to have led to a resurgent Russia expanding its military, diplomatic and economic power in Eastern Europe and the Mideast.
    In a wide-ranging interview with Chris Wallace on Fox News Sunday, Hillary suggested that Donald Trump "has shown a very troubling willingness to back up Putin, to support Putin, whether it's saying that NATO wouldn't come to the rescue of allies if they were invaded, talking about removing sanctions from Russian officials after they were imposed by the United States and Europe together, because of Russia's aggressiveness in Crimea and Ukraine, his praise for Putin which is I think quite remarkable."

    Extraordinary chutzpah.

    Last May, Clinton told MSNBC's Closing Bell that she had been the "most transparent public official in modern times." If you simply replaced "most" with "least" that statement would be true. What's sad is the mainstream media will once again do their best to cover up and ignore this latest scandal, which reeks of illicit payola. In other words, just another day in the ethically challenged campaign of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

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    Default Re: KGB Operation "Bill Clinton"

    John Podesta and the Russians

    When did Clinton’s top aide stop doing business with Moscow?

    0:00 / 0:00



    Editorial Page Assistant Editor James Freeman on evidence that Hillary Clinton’s top aide might have hid ties to a Kremlin-backed investment firm.

    By James Freeman

    248 COMMENTS

    Hillary Clinton campaign chairman John Podesta has responded to the WikiLeaks publication of his private emails by suggesting they were stolen by the Russians to elect Donald Trump. What he doesn’t like to talk about is the business he’s done with a Kremlin-backed investment firm and the lengths he’s gone to avoid scrutiny of this relationship.

    “Clinton Cash” author Peter Schweizer and the Trump campaign have been urging the media to pay attention to Mr. Podesta’s Russian connection and perhaps they should. The story begins in 2011 when the solar energy startup Joule Unlimited announced that Mr. Podesta had been elected to its board of directors. In a company press release, Joule’s CEO at the time lauded Mr. Podesta’s “extensive experience within the US government and internationally as well.” No one claimed Mr. Podesta was a scientific expert, but the company’s founder expressed the hope that their new associate “can help Joule build the lasting relationships needed for long-term success.”

    A former White House chief of staff for President Bill Clinton, Mr. Podesta at the time was running the Center for American Progress, which supported the Obama administration’s “Russian reset.” Mr. Podesta personally lauded the effort to “build a more constructive relationship” with Russia at a 2009 event hosted by his think tank.
    Mr. Podesta certainly seems to have made the effort to build a business relationship. About eight months after Mr. Podesta joined Joule in 2011, an investment fund backed by the Russian government, Rusnano, announced plans to invest about $35 million in the company. Several months later, Joule announced that Rusnano Chairman Anatoly Chubais was joining its board of directors. Around the same time, Mr. Podesta joined Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s Foreign Affairs Policy Board.

    Morning Editorial Report


    It’s not illegal to invest alongside a Kremlin-backed investment vehicle tasked with developing and acquiring valuable technology to benefit Russia. Nor, as far as we know, is it illegal to do so while simultaneously serving as an outside adviser to the U.S. secretary of state.

    But Mr. Podesta may have been concerned about the attention this association might draw when he went back into government in early 2014 to serve as a counselor to President Obama. That’s when Mr. Podesta declared on his federal financial disclosure form that he had divested himself of his Joule holdings.

    This is where the story gets a little more complicated. The emails published on WikiLeaks show that around the time he was returning to the White House, Mr. Podesta wrote to Joule requesting the transfer of his shares to an entity called Leonidio Holdings, LLC, which had been created just weeks earlier.

    Leonidio shares an address with Mr. Podesta’s daughter Megan Rouse, a financial planner who lives in California. When reached by telephone on Tuesday, Ms. Rouse told us that she did not have time to discuss the issue, thanked us for the call, and then hung up.

    On Wednesday a Clinton campaign spokesman told us that Mr. Podesta cut his ties with Joule when he returned to the White House in 2014, “transferred the entirety of his holdings to his adult children” and “recused himself from all matters pertaining to Joule for the duration of his time at the White House.”

    But WikiLeaks also shows Mr. Podesta receiving a bill for legal expenses related to Leonidio’s incorporation in Delaware. We wonder how often people pay the bills to create corporations in which they have no interest.

    Mr. Podesta left the White House around February of 2015. He later received a bill from the law firm Steptoe and Johnson for legal work related to Joule performed in April of 2015. This also was published on WikiLeaks, and it says a Steptoe attorney spent half an hour working on “Joule request for consent to appointment of Mr. Akhanov.” Dmitry Akhanov, who runs Rusnano’s U.S. office, is now listed as a member of Joule’s board of directors. It would be highly unusual for a company to seek approval on a board appointment from someone who no longer has any ties to the business. Did Mr. Podesta resume his formal relationship with Joule and the Russian government’s investment fund right after leaving the White House and just before joining the Clinton campaign?

    Mr. Schweizer says he detects in all this a clever attempt to dodge government disclosure rules: “America’s disclosure laws are designed to allow citizens to see what conflicts of interests our senior government officials might have. That is especially the case when they or their families are financially linked to adversarial foreign governments.”

    The Clinton campaign did not make Mr. Podesta available for an interview. Perhaps he figures that with Mrs. Clinton leading in the polls he can avoid the topic through Election Day and then declare it all old news. Meantime, voters can be forgiven for discounting his protests about the Kremlin and Donald Trump.
    Mr. Freeman is assistant editor of the Journal’s editorial page.

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