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Thread: McChrystal Out, Patraeus In

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    Creepy Ass Cracka & Site Owner Ryan Ruck's Avatar
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    Default McChrystal Out, Patraeus In

    Will be interesting to see how this pans out. My opinion is that, based on everything I've read and heard, Patraeus is a much better general than McChrystal. I suspect that even if Patraeus hates Obama's guts (which is definitely a strong possibility), he will remain professional and work to accomplish what is best for the guys on the ground.

    I have a hard time feeling sorry for McChrystal stepping on his dick since he openly said he voted for Obama, even if is an acomplished SF type guy. Not much in the way of principles if you'll vote for Obama over a fellow war hero like John McCain (despite all his other faults). I don't like people that blow whichever way the wind blows.

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    Default Re: McChrystal Out, Patraeus In

    I don't feel sorry for McCrystal at all. He should have held his tongue until he was out of uniform.

    BUT... what I find very interesting is that Patraeus was McCrystal's boss.

    Seems like two birds with one stone here.

    You fire the one guy, demote the other.

    Because, effectively, that's what he did to Patraeus.
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    Default Re: McChrystal Out, Patraeus In

    I think any President's hand would have been forced considering the nature of McCrystal's remarks, as well as his direct staff. The chain of command must be respected. Even if you hate your CO, when you put on that uniform you accept your position in that chain.

    I have tremendous respect for Gen Patraeus. I know he'll do great.

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    Creepy Ass Cracka & Site Owner Ryan Ruck's Avatar
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    Default Re: McChrystal Out, Patraeus In

    Quote Originally Posted by Rick Donaldson View Post
    You fire the one guy, demote the other.
    Very good point Rick.

    So that begs the question, who will be the new person in Patraeus' place. A better Obama puppet? Seems likely...

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    Default Re: McChrystal Out, Patraeus In

    Quote Originally Posted by Ryan Ruck View Post
    Very good point Rick.

    So that begs the question, who will be the new person in Patraeus' place. A better Obama puppet? Seems likely...
    Of COURSE it will be a better puppet.

    If I were President, I'd be appointing people like Norman Schwarzkopf to run wars and defend this country. I wouldn't be as concerned about their politics as I am their ability to accomplish a mission.

    As a former military man, Mission is the number ONE priority. Politics come second. Political positions and opinions for military members are certainly in existence. However, let's look at this carefully.

    In the United States of America our military is RUN BY the Civilian population. WE the civilians determine what the military will do. We do that by sending an able person to Washington DC as President to act in our stead.

    I personally detest Obama and his politics. I also detested Carter and Clinton's politics and policies in most cases (although I certainly had a bit more respect for Clinton's foreign policy than Carter's and DEFINITELY more than for Obama). Two things though, 1) I have the right to that opinion (and to state it) and 2) I'm no longer in the military.

    While I WAS in the military I tried to refrain from making too big or loud a statement about Clinton (though I did). On the other hand, I would have done as asked and killed whomever they asked me to kill - as long as it wasn't Americans.....

    The President is the "Policy Maker" though, even if I disagree with his policy if I'm in the military. If it isn't ILLEGAL (killing Americans!) then by golly my JOB is to act as the President's strong arm and carry OUT, and assist in putting that policy into effect.

    The military, for all intents and purposes is our protection force against other idealisms, and against those who would do us harm.

    There are several levels of "harmful" things that could occur, and those include, but certainly are not limited to military action. Economic attacks, for instance, attacks on infrastructure (power, oil, pipelines, highways, communications and so forth) or direct invasion are some of the reasons the military exists. (To PREVENT those things from occurring).

    Unfortunately, some of this is set by "policy" and sometimes policy does not necessarily agree with what I have just stated. We do have some "cyberwarfare" folks. But, we don't protect our power, water, oil and so forth with the military. We CERTAINLY do NOT protect our shores and borders from invasion (just look at the number of illegal aliens living here now).

    So - when all is said and done, American military personnel, Generals all the way down - have a job, they are volunteer and they definitely, if they are there, are welcome to their opinion. Just don't undermine the military services, forces and President as Commander in Chief.

    Last thing, a General (in fact all Officers, not NCOs) are commissioned and by that very point are POLITICAL APPOINTEES. This means by that effect they would therefore be willing to carry out the orders of the President of the United States. Problem is, many have varying degrees of agreement with the current (or any) administration. There are those who certainly disagree with Obama (or Bush, or even Reagan) and they were smart and kept their mouths closed until some other, more amenable Administration comes to power....
    Last edited by American Patriot; June 23rd, 2010 at 19:08.
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    Default Re: McChrystal Out, Patraeus In

    The Military are Applauding

    By Michael Charles Master


    The White House file

    Even though he had voted for President Obama, Gen. Stanley McChrystal, right, and his new commander in chief failed from the outset to connect.

    The Rolling Stone article about General McChrystal is attached to this article. If you accept the media spin about it without reading it yourself, then you are making a big mistake and you are letting the liberal media cartel influence your opinions way too much. Read the article, make your own opinions about it, and then listen to how the pundits and news anchors present it. Then you will understand how this liberal media cartel in the USA is harming America by how it presents information, what it presents, and what is omitted.

    McChrystal voted for Obama in 2008 and now believes that Obama is not fit to be commander in chief. Obama is furious … and so is the media.

    Earlier today, the media reported that General McChrystal apologized for his comments in this article about Barack Hussein Obama. The media is misrepresenting a comment from McChrystal from earlier today by saying that McChrystal said that he used poor judgement about Obama, Biden, and the administration.

    That is a total misrepresentation of what the general said. He said that it was poor judgement for him to give the interview to Rolling Stone. He has not apologized for his comments about Obama or McCain or Kerry or Biden or anyone else … only for making the interview. He said that he stands by his opinions as stated in the interview, but it is the media who is trying to make America believe that he apologized for his opinions.

    The liberal media cartel is horrible.

    Consider this from the article: the total budget for the military is $600 Billion, including Iraq and Afghanistan. That is less than 20% of the federal budget and less than 10% of what is spent by the combined budgets of the local and federal governments (local and federal governments spend 2 1/2 times more on education than what is spent on the military).

    The number one job of the federal government is defense of the USA … the number one job of the president is commander in chief … and look how little is spent of the federal budget on defense … 20% is the lowest % of any administration in the history of the USA … yet pundits and politicians are trying to make America believe that reductions to military spending can pay for all the social promises of the Obama administration.

    And McChrystal is angry about It.

    Now before the media can spin McChrystal’s comments, read them for yourself. Everyone in the military is reading them and 9 out of 10 in the military are applauding McChriystal for saying what they are feeling.

    http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/37847841..._news-military

    http://superstore.wnd.com/store/item...0&ITEM_ID=3319

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    Default Re: McChrystal Out, Patraeus In

    Let's do this:

    Editor's note: This article, as it appears in Rolling Stone magazine, contains profanity.

    “How'd I get screwed into going to this dinner?" demands Gen. Stanley McChrystal. It's a Thursday night in mid-April, and the commander of all U.S. and NATO forces in Afghanistan is sitting in a four-star suite at the Hôtel Westminster in Paris. He's in France to sell his new war strategy to our NATO allies – to keep up the fiction, in essence, that we actually have allies. Since McChrystal took over a year ago, the Afghan war has become the exclusive property of the United States. Opposition to the war has already toppled the Dutch government, forced the resignation of Germany's president and sparked both Canada and the Netherlands to announce the withdrawal of their 4,500 troops. McChrystal is in Paris to keep the French, who have lost more than 40 soldiers in Afghanistan, from going all wobbly on him.

    "The dinner comes with the position, sir," says his chief of staff, Col. Charlie Flynn.

    McChrystal turns sharply in his chair.

    "Hey, Charlie," he asks, "does this come with the position?"

    McChrystal gives him the middle finger.

    The general stands and looks around the suite that his traveling staff of 10 has converted into a full-scale operations center. The tables are crowded with silver Panasonic Toughbooks, and blue cables crisscross the hotel's thick carpet, hooked up to satellite dishes to provide encrypted phone and e-mail communications. Dressed in off-the-rack civilian casual – blue tie, button-down shirt, dress slacks – McChrystal is way out of his comfort zone. Paris, as one of his advisers says, is the "most anti-McChrystal city you can imagine." The general hates fancy restaurants, rejecting any place with candles on the tables as too "Gucci." He prefers Bud Light Lime (his favorite beer) to Bordeaux, Talladega Nights (his favorite movie) to Jean-Luc Godard. Besides, the public eye has never been a place where McChrystal felt comfortable: Before President Obama put him in charge of the war in Afghanistan, he spent five years running the Pentagon's most secretive black ops.

    "What's the update on the Kandahar bombing?" McChrystal asks Flynn. The city has been rocked by two massive car bombs in the past day alone, calling into question the general's assurances that he can wrest it from the Taliban.

    "We have two KIAs, but that hasn't been confirmed," Flynn says.

    McChrystal takes a final look around the suite. At 55, he is gaunt and lean, not unlike an older version of Christian Bale in Rescue Dawn. His slate-blue eyes have the unsettling ability to drill down when they lock on you. If you've fucked up or disappointed him, they can destroy your soul without the need for him to raise his voice.

    "I'd rather have my ass kicked by a roomful of people than go out to this dinner," McChrystal says.

    He pauses a beat.

    "Unfortunately," he adds, "no one in this room could do it."

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    With that, he's out the door.

    "Who's he going to dinner with?" I ask one of his aides.

    "Some French minister," the aide tells me. "It's fucking gay."

    The next morning, McChrystal and his team gather to prepare for a speech he is giving at the École Militaire, a French military academy. The general prides himself on being sharper and ballsier than anyone else, but his brashness comes with a price: Although McChrystal has been in charge of the war for only a year, in that short time he has managed to piss off almost everyone with a stake in the conflict. Last fall, during the question-and-answer session following a speech he gave in London, McChrystal dismissed the counterterrorism strategy being advocated by Vice President Joe Biden as "shortsighted," saying it would lead to a state of "Chaos-istan." The remarks earned him a smackdown from the president himself, who summoned the general to a terse private meeting aboard Air Force One. The message to McChrystal seemed clear: Shut the fuck up, and keep a lower profile

    Now, flipping through printout cards of his speech in Paris, McChrystal wonders aloud what Biden question he might get today, and how he should respond. "I never know what's going to pop out until I'm up there, that's the problem," he says. Then, unable to help themselves, he and his staff imagine the general dismissing the vice president with a good one-liner.

    "Are you asking about Vice President Biden?" McChrystal says with a laugh. "Who's that?"

    "Biden?" suggests a top adviser. "Did you say: Bite Me?"

    When Barack Obama entered the Oval Office, he immediately set out to deliver on his most important campaign promise on foreign policy: to refocus the war in Afghanistan on what led us to invade in the first place. "I want the American people to understand," he announced in March 2009. "We have a clear and focused goal: to disrupt, dismantle and defeat Al Qaeda in Pakistan and Afghanistan." He ordered another 21,000 troops to Kabul, the largest increase since the war began in 2001. Taking the advice of both the Pentagon and the Joint Chiefs of Staff, he also fired Gen. David McKiernan – then the U.S. and NATO commander in Afghanistan – and replaced him with a man he didn't know and had met only briefly: Gen. Stanley McChrystal. It was the first time a top general had been relieved from duty during wartime in more than 50 years, since Harry Truman fired Gen. Douglas MacArthur at the height of the Korean War.

    Even though he had voted for Obama, McChrystal and his new commander in chief failed from the outset to connect. The general first encountered Obama a week after he took office, when the president met with a dozen senior military officials in a room at the Pentagon known as the Tank. According to sources familiar with the meeting, McChrystal thought Obama looked "uncomfortable and intimidated" by the roomful of military brass. Their first one-on-one meeting took place in the Oval Office four months later, after McChrystal got the Afghanistan job, and it didn't go much better. "It was a 10-minute photo op," says an adviser to McChrystal. "Obama clearly didn't know anything about him, who he was. Here's the guy who's going to run his fucking war, but he didn't seem very engaged. The Boss was pretty disappointed."

    From the start, McChrystal was determined to place his personal stamp on Afghanistan, to use it as a laboratory for a controversial military strategy known as counterinsurgency. COIN, as the theory is known, is the new gospel of the Pentagon brass, a doctrine that attempts to square the military's preference for high-tech violence with the demands of fighting protracted wars in failed states. COIN calls for sending huge numbers of ground troops to not only destroy the enemy, but to live among the civilian population and slowly rebuild, or build from scratch, another nation's government – a process that even its staunchest advocates admit requires years, if not decades, to achieve. The theory essentially rebrands the military, expanding its authority (and its funding) to encompass the diplomatic and political sides of warfare: Think the Green Berets as an armed Peace Corps. In 2006, after Gen. David Petraeus beta-tested the theory during his "surge" in Iraq, it quickly gained a hardcore following of think-tankers, journalists, military officers and civilian officials. Nicknamed "COINdinistas" for their cultish zeal, this influential cadre believed the doctrine would be the perfect solution for Afghanistan. All they needed was a general with enough charisma and political savvy to implement it.

    As McChrystal leaned on Obama to ramp up the war, he did it with the same fearlessness he used to track down terrorists in Iraq: Figure out how your enemy operates, be faster and more ruthless than everybody else, then take the fuckers out. After arriving in Afghanistan last June, the general conducted his own policy review, ordered up by Defense Secretary Robert Gates. The now-infamous report was leaked to the press, and its conclusion was dire: If we didn't send another 40,000 troops – swelling the number of U.S. forces in Afghanistan by nearly half – we were in danger of "mission failure." The White House was furious. McChrystal, they felt, was trying to bully Obama, opening him up to charges of being weak on national security unless he did what the general wanted. It was Obama versus the Pentagon, and the Pentagon was determined to kick the president's ass.

    Last fall, with his top general calling for more troops, Obama launched a three-month review to re-evaluate the strategy in Afghanistan. "I found that time painful," McChrystal tells me in one of several lengthy interviews. "I was selling an unsellable position." For the general, it was a crash course in Beltway politics – a battle that pitted him against experienced Washington insiders like Vice President Biden, who argued that a prolonged counterinsurgency campaign in Afghanistan would plunge America into a military quagmire without weakening international terrorist networks. "The entire COIN strategy is a fraud perpetuated on the American people," says Douglas Macgregor, a retired colonel and leading critic of counterinsurgency who attended West Point with McChrystal. "The idea that we are going to spend a trillion dollars to reshape the culture of the Islamic world is utter nonsense.
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    In the end, however, McChrystal got almost exactly what he wanted. On December 1st, in a speech at West Point, the president laid out all the reasons why fighting the war in Afghanistan is a bad idea: It's expensive; we're in an economic crisis; a decade-long commitment would sap American power; Al Qaeda has shifted its base of operations to Pakistan. Then, without ever using the words "victory" or "win," Obama announced that he would send an additional 30,000 troops to Afghanistan, almost as many as McChrystal had requested. The president had thrown his weight, however hesitantly, behind the counterinsurgency crowd.

    Today, as McChrystal gears up for an offensive in southern Afghanistan, the prospects for any kind of success look bleak. In June, the death toll for U.S. troops passed 1,000, and the number of IEDs has doubled. Spending hundreds of billions of dollars on the fifth-poorest country on earth has failed to win over the civilian population, whose attitude toward U.S. troops ranges from intensely wary to openly hostile. The biggest military operation of the year – a ferocious offensive that began in February to retake the southern town of Marja – continues to drag on, prompting McChrystal himself to refer to it as a "bleeding ulcer." In June, Afghanistan officially outpaced Vietnam as the longest war in American history – and Obama has quietly begun to back away from the deadline he set for withdrawing U.S. troops in July of next year. The president finds himself stuck in something even more insane than a quagmire: a quagmire he knowingly walked into, even though it's precisely the kind of gigantic, mind-numbing, multigenerational nation-building project he explicitly said he didn't want.

    Even those who support McChrystal and his strategy of counterinsurgency know that whatever the general manages to accomplish in Afghanistan, it's going to look more like Vietnam than Desert Storm. "It's not going to look like a win, smell like a win or taste like a win," says Maj. Gen. Bill Mayville, who serves as chief of operations for McChrystal. "This is going to end in an argument."

    The night after his speech in Paris, McChrystal and his staff head to Kitty O'Shea's, an Irish pub catering to tourists, around the corner from the hotel. His wife, Annie, has joined him for a rare visit: Since the Iraq War began in 2003, she has seen her husband less than 30 days a year. Though it is his and Annie's 33rd wedding anniversary, McChrystal has invited his inner circle along for dinner and drinks at the "least Gucci" place his staff could find. His wife isn't surprised. "He once took me to a Jack in the Box when I was dressed in formalwear," she says with a laugh.

    The general's staff is a handpicked collection of killers, spies, geniuses, patriots, political operators and outright maniacs. There's a former head of British Special Forces, two Navy Seals, an Afghan Special Forces commando, a lawyer, two fighter pilots and at least two dozen combat veterans and counterinsurgency experts. They jokingly refer to themselves as Team America, taking the name from the South Park-esque sendup of military cluelessness, and they pride themselves on their can-do attitude and their disdain for authority. After arriving in Kabul last summer, Team America set about changing the culture of the International Security Assistance Force, as the NATO-led mission is known. (U.S. soldiers had taken to deriding ISAF as short for "I Suck at Fighting" or "In Sandals and Flip-Flops.") McChrystal banned alcohol on base, kicked out Burger King and other symbols of American excess, expanded the morning briefing to include thousands of officers and refashioned the command center into a Situational Awareness Room, a free-flowing information hub modeled after Mayor Mike Bloomberg's offices in New York. He also set a manic pace for his staff, becoming legendary for sleeping four hours a night, running seven miles each morning, and eating one meal a day. (In the month I spend around the general, I witness him eating only once.) It's a kind of superhuman narrative that has built up around him, a staple in almost every media profile, as if the ability to go without sleep and food translates into the possibility of a man single-handedly winning the war.

    By midnight at Kitty O'Shea's, much of Team America is completely shitfaced. Two officers do an Irish jig mixed with steps from a traditional Afghan wedding dance, while McChrystal's top advisers lock arms and sing a slurred song of their own invention. "Afghanistan!" they bellow. "Afghanistan!" They call it their Afghanistan song.

    McChrystal steps away from the circle, observing his team. "All these men," he tells me. "I'd die for them. And they'd die for me."

    The assembled men may look and sound like a bunch of combat veterans letting off steam, but in fact this tight-knit group represents the most powerful force shaping U.S. policy in Afghanistan. While McChrystal and his men are in indisputable command of all military aspects of the war, there is no equivalent position on the diplomatic or political side. Instead, an assortment of administration players compete over the Afghan portfolio: U.S. Ambassador Karl Eikenberry, Special Representative to Afghanistan Richard Holbrooke, National Security Advisor Jim Jones and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, not to mention 40 or so other coalition ambassadors and a host of talking heads who try to insert themselves into the mess, from John Kerry to John McCain. This diplomatic incoherence has effectively allowed McChrystal's team to call the shots and hampered efforts to build a stable and credible government in Afghanistan. "It jeopardizes the mission," says Stephen Biddle, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations who supports McChrystal. "The military cannot by itself create governance reform."

    Part of the problem is structural: The Defense Department budget exceeds $600 billion a year, while the State Department receives only $50 billion. But part of the problem is personal: In private, Team McChrystal likes to talk shit about many of Obama's top people on the diplomatic side. One aide calls Jim Jones, a retired four-star general and veteran of the Cold War, a "clown" who remains "stuck in 1985." Politicians like McCain and Kerry, says another aide, "turn up, have a meeting with Karzai, criticize him at the airport press conference, then get back for the Sunday talk shows. Frankly, it's not very helpful." Only Hillary Clinton receives good reviews from McChrystal's inner circle. "Hillary had Stan's back during the strategic review," says an adviser. "She said, 'If Stan wants it, give him what he needs.' "

    McChrystal reserves special skepticism for Holbrooke, the official in charge of reintegrating the Taliban. "The Boss says he's like a wounded animal," says a member of the general's team. "Holbrooke keeps hearing rumors that he's going to get fired, so that makes him dangerous. He's a brilliant guy, but he just comes in, pulls on a lever, whatever he can grasp onto. But this is COIN, and you can't just have someone yanking on shit."

    At one point on his trip to Paris, McChrystal checks his BlackBerry. "Oh, not another e-mail from Holbrooke," he groans. "I don't even want to open it." He clicks on the message and reads the salutation out loud, then stuffs the BlackBerry back in his pocket, not bothering to conceal his annoyance.

    "Make sure you don't get any of that on your leg," an aide jokes, referring to the e-mail.

    By far the most crucial – and strained – relationship is between McChrystal and Eikenberry, the U.S. ambassador. According to those close to the two men, Eikenberry – a retired three-star general who served in Afghanistan in 2002 and 2005 – can't stand that his former subordinate is now calling the shots. He's also furious that McChrystal, backed by NATO's allies, refused to put Eikenberry in the pivotal role of viceroy in Afghanistan, which would have made him the diplomatic equivalent of the general. The job instead went to British Ambassador Mark Sedwill – a move that effectively increased McChrystal's influence over diplomacy by shutting out a powerful rival. "In reality, that position needs to be filled by an American for it to have weight," says a U.S. official familiar with the negotiations.

    The relationship was further strained in January, when a classified cable that Eikenberry wrote was leaked to The New York Times. The cable was as scathing as it was prescient. The ambassador offered a brutal critique of McChrystal's strategy, dismissed President Hamid Karzai as "not an adequate strategic partner," and cast doubt on whether the counterinsurgency plan would be "sufficient" to deal with Al Qaeda. "We will become more deeply engaged here with no way to extricate ourselves," Eikenberry warned, "short of allowing the country to descend again into lawlessness and chaos."

    McChrystal and his team were blindsided by the cable. "I like Karl, I've known him for years, but they'd never said anything like that to us before," says McChrystal, who adds that he felt "betrayed" by the leak. "Here's one that covers his flank for the history books. Now if we fail, they can say, 'I told you so.' "

    The most striking example of McChrystal's usurpation of diplomatic policy is his handling of Karzai. It is McChrystal, not diplomats like Eikenberry or Holbrooke, who enjoys the best relationship with the man America is relying on to lead Afghanistan. The doctrine of counterinsurgency requires a credible government, and since Karzai is not considered credible by his own people, McChrystal has worked hard to make him so. Over the past few months, he has accompanied the president on more than 10 trips around the country, standing beside him at political meetings, or shuras, in Kandahar. In February, the day before the doomed offensive in Marja, McChrystal even drove over to the president's palace to get him to sign off on what would be the largest military operation of the year. Karzai's staff, however, insisted that the president was sleeping off a cold and could not be disturbed. After several hours of haggling, McChrystal finally enlisted the aid of Afghanistan's defense minister, who persuaded Karzai's people to wake the president from his nap.

    This is one of the central flaws with McChrystal's counterinsurgency strategy: The need to build a credible government puts us at the mercy of whatever tin-pot leader we've backed – a danger that Eikenberry explicitly warned about in his cable. Even Team McChrystal privately acknowledges that Karzai is a less-than-ideal partner. "He's been locked up in his palace the past year," laments one of the general's top advisers. At times, Karzai himself has actively undermined McChrystal's desire to put him in charge. During a recent visit to Walter Reed Army Medical Center, Karzai met three U.S. soldiers who had been wounded in Uruzgan province. "General," he called out to McChrystal, "I didn't even know we were fighting in Uruzgan!"

    Growing up as a military brat, McChrystal exhibited the mixture of brilliance and cockiness that would follow him throughout his career. His father fought in Korea and Vietnam, retiring as a two-star general, and his four brothers all joined the armed services. Moving around to different bases, McChrystal took solace in baseball, a sport in which he made no pretense of hiding his superiority: In Little League, he would call out strikes to the crowd before whipping a fastball down the middle.

    McChrystal entered West Point in 1972, when the U.S. military was close to its all-time low in popularity. His class was the last to graduate before the academy started to admit women. The "Prison on the Hudson," as it was known then, was a potent mix of testosterone, hooliganism and reactionary patriotism. Cadets repeatedly trashed the mess hall in food fights, and birthdays were celebrated with a tradition called "rat fucking," which often left the birthday boy outside in the snow or mud, covered in shaving cream. "It was pretty out of control," says Lt. Gen. David Barno, a classmate who went on to serve as the top commander in Afghanistan from 2003 to 2005. The class, filled with what Barno calls "huge talent" and "wild-eyed teenagers with a strong sense of idealism," also produced Gen. Ray Odierno, the current commander of U.S. forces in Iraq.

    The son of a general, McChrystal was also a ringleader of the campus dissidents – a dual role that taught him how to thrive in a rigid, top-down environment while thumbing his nose at authority every chance he got. He accumulated more than 100 hours of demerits for drinking, partying and insubordination – a record that his classmates boasted made him a "century man." One classmate, who asked not to be named, recalls finding McChrystal passed out in the shower after downing a case of beer he had hidden under the sink. The troublemaking almost got him kicked out, and he spent hours subjected to forced marches in the Area, a paved courtyard where unruly cadets were disciplined. "I'd come visit, and I'd end up spending most of my time in the library, while Stan was in the Area," recalls Annie, who began dating McChrystal in 1973.

    McChrystal wound up ranking 298 out of a class of 855, a serious underachievement for a man widely regarded as brilliant. His most compelling work was extracurricular: As managing editor of The Pointer, the West Point literary magazine, McChrystal wrote seven short stories that eerily foreshadow many of the issues he would confront in his career. In one tale, a fictional officer complains about the difficulty of training foreign troops to fight; in another, a 19-year-old soldier kills a boy he mistakes for a terrorist. In "Brinkman's Note," a piece of suspense fiction, the unnamed narrator appears to be trying to stop a plot to assassinate the president. It turns out, however, that the narrator himself is the assassin, and he's able to infiltrate the White House: "The President strode in smiling. From the right coat pocket of the raincoat I carried, I slowly drew forth my 32-caliber pistol. In Brinkman's failure, I had succeeded."

    After graduation, 2nd Lt. Stanley McChrystal entered an Army that was all but broken in the wake of Vietnam. "We really felt we were a peacetime generation," he recalls. "There was the Gulf War, but even that didn't feel like that big of a deal." So McChrystal spent his career where the action was: He enrolled in Special Forces school and became a regimental commander of the 3rd Ranger Battalion in 1986. It was a dangerous position, even in peacetime – nearly two dozen Rangers were killed in training accidents during the Eighties. It was also an unorthodox career path: Most soldiers who want to climb the ranks to general don't go into the Rangers. Displaying a penchant for transforming systems he considers outdated, McChrystal set out to revolutionize the training regime for the Rangers. He introduced mixed martial arts, required every soldier to qualify with night-vision goggles on the rifle range and forced troops to build up their endurance with weekly marches involving heavy backpacks.

    In the late 1990s, McChrystal shrewdly improved his inside game, spending a year at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government and then at the Council on Foreign Relations, where he co-authored a treatise on the merits and drawbacks of humanitarian interventionism. But as he moved up through the ranks, McChrystal relied on the skills he had learned as a troublemaking kid at West Point: knowing precisely how far he could go in a rigid military hierarchy without getting tossed out. Being a highly intelligent badass, he discovered, could take you far – especially in the political chaos that followed September 11th. "He was very focused," says Annie. "Even as a young officer he seemed to know what he wanted to do. I don't think his personality has changed in all these years."

    By some accounts, McChrystal's career should have been over at least two times by now. As Pentagon spokesman during the invasion of Iraq, the general seemed more like a White House mouthpiece than an up-and-coming commander with a reputation for speaking his mind. When Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld made his infamous "stuff happens" remark during the looting of Baghdad, McChrystal backed him up. A few days later, he echoed the president's Mission Accomplished gaffe by insisting that major combat operations in Iraq were over. But it was during his next stint – overseeing the military's most elite units, including the Rangers, Navy Seals and Delta Force – that McChrystal took part in a cover-up that would have destroyed the career of a lesser man.

    After Cpl. Pat Tillman, the former-NFL-star-turned-Ranger, was accidentally killed by his own troops in Afghanistan in April 2004, McChrystal took an active role in creating the impression that Tillman had died at the hands of Taliban fighters. He signed off on a falsified recommendation for a Silver Star that suggested Tillman had been killed by enemy fire. (McChrystal would later claim he didn't read the recommendation closely enough – a strange excuse for a commander known for his laserlike attention to minute details.) A week later, McChrystal sent a memo up the chain of command, specifically warning that President Bush should avoid mentioning the cause of Tillman's death. "If the circumstances of Corporal Tillman's death become public," he wrote, it could cause "public embarrassment" for the president.

    "The false narrative, which McChrystal clearly helped construct, diminished Pat's true actions," wrote Tillman's mother, Mary, in her book Boots on the Ground by Dusk. McChrystal got away with it, she added, because he was the "golden boy" of Rumsfeld and Bush, who loved his willingness to get things done, even if it included bending the rules or skipping the chain of command. Nine days after Tillman's death, McChrystal was promoted to major general.

    Two years later, in 2006, McChrystal was tainted by a scandal involving detainee abuse and torture at Camp Nama in Iraq. According to a report by Human Rights Watch, prisoners at the camp were subjected to a now-familiar litany of abuse: stress positions, being dragged naked through the mud. McChrystal was not disciplined in the scandal, even though an interrogator at the camp reported seeing him inspect the prison multiple times. But the experience was so unsettling to McChrystal that he tried to prevent detainee operations from being placed under his command in Afghanistan, viewing them as a "political swamp," according to a U.S. official. In May 2009, as McChrystal prepared for his confirmation hearings, his staff prepared him for hard questions about Camp Nama and the Tillman cover-up. But the scandals barely made a ripple in Congress, and McChrystal was soon on his way back to Kabul to run the war in Afghanistan.

    The media, to a large extent, have also given McChrystal a pass on both controversies. Where Gen. Petraeus is kind of a dweeb, a teacher's pet with a Ranger's tab, McChrystal is a snake-eating rebel, a "Jedi" commander, as Newsweek called him. He didn't care when his teenage son came home with blue hair and a mohawk. He speaks his mind with a candor rare for a high-ranking official. He asks for opinions, and seems genuinely interested in the response. He gets briefings on his iPod and listens to books on tape. He carries a custom-made set of nunchucks in his convoy engraved with his name and four stars, and his itinerary often bears a fresh quote from Bruce Lee. ("There are no limits. There are only plateaus, and you must not stay there, you must go beyond them.") He went out on dozens of nighttime raids during his time in Iraq, unprecedented for a top commander, and turned up on missions unannounced, with almost no entourage. "The fucking lads love Stan McChrystal," says a British officer who serves in Kabul. "You'd be out in Somewhere, Iraq, and someone would take a knee beside you, and a corporal would be like 'Who the fuck is that?' And it's fucking Stan McChrystal."

    It doesn't hurt that McChrystal was also extremely successful as head of the Joint Special Operations Command, the elite forces that carry out the government's darkest ops. During the Iraq surge, his team killed and captured thousands of insurgents, including Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the leader of Al Qaeda in Iraq. "JSOC was a killing machine," says Maj. Gen. Mayville, his chief of operations. McChrystal was also open to new ways of killing. He systematically mapped out terrorist networks, targeting specific insurgents and hunting them down – often with the help of cyberfreaks traditionally shunned by the military. "The Boss would find the 24-year-old kid with a nose ring, with some fucking brilliant degree from MIT, sitting in the corner with 16 computer monitors humming," says a Special Forces commando who worked with McChrystal in Iraq and now serves on his staff in Kabul. "He'd say, 'Hey – you fucking muscleheads couldn't find lunch without help. You got to work together with these guys.' "

    Even in his new role as America's leading evangelist for counterinsurgency, McChrystal retains the deep-seated instincts of a terrorist hunter. To put pressure on the Taliban, he has upped the number of Special Forces units in Afghanistan from four to 19. "You better be out there hitting four or five targets tonight," McChrystal will tell a Navy Seal he sees in the hallway at headquarters. Then he'll add, "I'm going to have to scold you in the morning for it, though." In fact, the general frequently finds himself apologizing for the disastrous consequences of counterinsurgency. In the first four months of this year, NATO forces killed some 90 civilians, up 76 percent from the same period in 2009 – a record that has created tremendous resentment among the very population that COIN theory is intent on winning over. In February, a Special Forces night raid ended in the deaths of two pregnant Afghan women and allegations of a cover-up, and in April, protests erupted in Kandahar after U.S. forces accidentally shot up a bus, killing five Afghans. "We've shot an amazing number of people," McChrystal recently conceded.

    Despite the tragedies and miscues, McChrystal has issued some of the strictest directives to avoid civilian casualties that the U.S. military has ever encountered in a war zone. It's "insurgent math," as he calls it – for every innocent person you kill, you create 10 new enemies. He has ordered convoys to curtail their reckless driving, put restrictions on the use of air power and severely limited night raids. He regularly apologizes to Hamid Karzai when civilians are killed, and berates commanders responsible for civilian deaths. "For a while," says one U.S. official, "the most dangerous place to be in Afghanistan was in front of McChrystal after a 'civ cas' incident." The ISAF command has even discussed ways to make not killing into something you can win an award for: There's talk of creating a new medal for "courageous restraint," a buzzword that's unlikely to gain much traction in the gung-ho culture of the U.S. military.

    But however strategic they may be, McChrystal's new marching orders have caused an intense backlash among his own troops. Being told to hold their fire, soldiers complain, puts them in greater danger. "Bottom line?" says a former Special Forces operator who has spent years in Iraq and Afghanistan. "I would love to kick McChrystal in the nuts. His rules of engagement put soldiers' lives in even greater danger. Every real soldier will tell you the same thing."

    In March, McChrystal traveled to Combat Outpost JFM – a small encampment on the outskirts of Kandahar – to confront such accusations from the troops directly. It was a typically bold move by the general. Only two days earlier, he had received an e-mail from Israel Arroyo, a 25-year-old staff sergeant who asked McChrystal to go on a mission with his unit. "I am writing because it was said you don't care about the troops and have made it harder to defend ourselves," Arroyo wrote.

    Within hours, McChrystal responded personally: "I'm saddened by the accusation that I don't care about soldiers, as it is something I suspect any soldier takes both personally and professionally – at least I do. But I know perceptions depend upon your perspective at the time, and I respect that every soldier's view is his own." Then he showed up at Arroyo's outpost and went on a foot patrol with the troops – not some bullshit photo-op stroll through a market, but a real live operation in a dangerous war zone.

    Six weeks later, just before McChrystal returned from Paris, the general received another e-mail from Arroyo. A 23-year-old corporal named Michael Ingram – one of the soldiers McChrystal had gone on patrol with – had been killed by an IED a day earlier. It was the third man the 25-member platoon had lost in a year, and Arroyo was writing to see if the general would attend Ingram's memorial service. "He started to look up to you," Arroyo wrote. McChrystal said he would try to make it down to pay his respects as soon as possible.

    The night before the general is scheduled to visit Sgt. Arroyo's platoon for the memorial, I arrive at Combat Outpost JFM to speak with the soldiers he had gone on patrol with. JFM is a small encampment, ringed by high blast walls and guard towers. Almost all of the soldiers here have been on repeated combat tours in both Iraq and Afghanistan, and have seen some of the worst fighting of both wars. But they are especially angered by Ingram's death. His commanders had repeatedly requested permission to tear down the house where Ingram was killed, noting that it was often used as a combat position by the Taliban. But due to McChrystal's new restrictions to avoid upsetting civilians, the request had been denied. "These were abandoned houses," fumes Staff Sgt. Kennith Hicks. "Nobody was coming back to live in them."

    One soldier shows me the list of new regulations the platoon was given. "Patrol only in areas that you are reasonably certain that you will not have to defend yourselves with lethal force," the laminated card reads. For a soldier who has traveled halfway around the world to fight, that's like telling a cop he should only patrol in areas where he knows he won't have to make arrests. "Does that make any fucking sense?" asks Pfc. Jared Pautsch. "We should just drop a fucking bomb on this place. You sit and ask yourself: What are we doing here?"

    The rules handed out here are not what McChrystal intended – they've been distorted as they passed through the chain of command – but knowing that does nothing to lessen the anger of troops on the ground. "Fuck, when I came over here and heard that McChrystal was in charge, I thought we would get our fucking gun on," says Hicks, who has served three tours of combat. "I get COIN. I get all that. McChrystal comes here, explains it, it makes sense. But then he goes away on his bird, and by the time his directives get passed down to us through Big Army, they're all fucked up – either because somebody is trying to cover their ass, or because they just don't understand it themselves. But we're fucking losing this thing."

    McChrystal and his team show up the next day. Underneath a tent, the general has a 45-minute discussion with some two dozen soldiers. The atmosphere is tense. "I ask you what's going on in your world, and I think it's important for you all to understand the big picture as well," McChrystal begins. "How's the company doing? You guys feeling sorry for yourselves? Anybody? Anybody feel like you're losing?" McChrystal says.

    "Sir, some of the guys here, sir, think we're losing, sir," says Hicks.

    McChrystal nods. "Strength is leading when you just don't want to lead," he tells the men. "You're leading by example. That's what we do. Particularly when it's really, really hard, and it hurts inside." Then he spends 20 minutes talking about counterinsurgency, diagramming his concepts and principles on a whiteboard. He makes COIN seem like common sense, but he's careful not to bullshit the men. "We are knee-deep in the decisive year," he tells them. The Taliban, he insists, no longer has the initiative – "but I don't think we do, either." It's similar to the talk he gave in Paris, but it's not winning any hearts and minds among the soldiers. "This is the philosophical part that works with think tanks," McChrystal tries to joke. "But it doesn't get the same reception from infantry companies."

    During the question-and-answer period, the frustration boils over. The soldiers complain about not being allowed to use lethal force, about watching insurgents they detain be freed for lack of evidence. They want to be able to fight – like they did in Iraq, like they had in Afghanistan before McChrystal. "We aren't putting fear into the Taliban," one soldier says.

    "Winning hearts and minds in COIN is a coldblooded thing," McChrystal says, citing an oft-repeated maxim that you can't kill your way out of Afghanistan. "The Russians killed 1 million Afghans, and that didn't work."

    "I'm not saying go out and kill everybody, sir," the soldier persists. "You say we've stopped the momentum of the insurgency. I don't believe that's true in this area. The more we pull back, the more we restrain ourselves, the stronger it's getting."

    "I agree with you," McChrystal says. "In this area, we've not made progress, probably. You have to show strength here, you have to use fire. What I'm telling you is, fire costs you. What do you want to do? You want to wipe the population out here and resettle it?"

    A soldier complains that under the rules, any insurgent who doesn't have a weapon is immediately assumed to be a civilian. "That's the way this game is," McChrystal says. "It's complex. I can't just decide: It's shirts and skins, and we'll kill all the shirts."

    As the discussion ends, McChrystal seems to sense that he hasn't succeeded at easing the men's anger. He makes one last-ditch effort to reach them, acknowledging the death of Cpl. Ingram. "There's no way I can make that easier," he tells them. "No way I can pretend it won't hurt. No way I can tell you not to feel that. . . . I will tell you, you're doing a great job. Don't let the frustration get to you." The session ends with no clapping, and no real resolution. McChrystal may have sold President Obama on counterinsurgency, but many of his own men aren't buying it.

    When it comes to Afghanistan, history is not on McChrystal's side. The only foreign invader to have any success here was Genghis Khan – and he wasn't hampered by things like human rights, economic development and press scrutiny. The COIN doctrine, bizarrely, draws inspiration from some of the biggest Western military embarrassments in recent memory: France's nasty war in Algeria (lost in 1962) and the American misadventure in Vietnam (lost in 1975). McChrystal, like other advocates of COIN, readily acknowledges that counterinsurgency campaigns are inherently messy, expensive and easy to lose. "Even Afghans are confused by Afghanistan," he says. But even if he somehow manages to succeed, after years of bloody fighting with Afghan kids who pose no threat to the U.S. homeland, the war will do little to shut down Al Qaeda, which has shifted its operations to Pakistan. Dispatching 150,000 troops to build new schools, roads, mosques and water-treatment facilities around Kandahar is like trying to stop the drug war in Mexico by occupying Arkansas and building Baptist churches in Little Rock. "It's all very cynical, politically," says Marc Sageman, a former CIA case officer who has extensive experience in the region. "Afghanistan is not in our vital interest – there's nothing for us there."

    In mid-May, two weeks after visiting the troops in Kandahar, McChrystal travels to the White House for a high-level visit by Hamid Karzai. It is a triumphant moment for the general, one that demonstrates he is very much in command – both in Kabul and in Washington. In the East Room, which is packed with journalists and dignitaries, President Obama sings the praises of Karzai. The two leaders talk about how great their relationship is, about the pain they feel over civilian casualties. They mention the word "progress" 16 times in under an hour. But there is no mention of victory. Still, the session represents the most forceful commitment that Obama has made to McChrystal's strategy in months. "There is no denying the progress that the Afghan people have made in recent years – in education, in health care and economic development," the president says. "As I saw in the lights across Kabul when I landed – lights that would not have been visible just a few years earlier."

    It is a disconcerting observation for Obama to make. During the worst years in Iraq, when the Bush administration had no real progress to point to, officials used to offer up the exact same evidence of success. "It was one of our first impressions," one GOP official said in 2006, after landing in Baghdad at the height of the sectarian violence. "So many lights shining brightly." So it is to the language of the Iraq War that the Obama administration has turned – talk of progress, of city lights, of metrics like health care and education. Rhetoric that just a few years ago they would have mocked. "They are trying to manipulate perceptions because there is no definition of victory – because victory is not even defined or recognizable," says Celeste Ward, a senior defense analyst at the RAND Corporation who served as a political adviser to U.S. commanders in Iraq in 2006. "That's the game we're in right now. What we need, for strategic purposes, is to create the perception that we didn't get run off. The facts on the ground are not great, and are not going to become great in the near future."

    But facts on the ground, as history has proven, offer little deterrent to a military determined to stay the course. Even those closest to McChrystal know that the rising anti-war sentiment at home doesn't begin to reflect how deeply fucked up things are in Afghanistan. "If Americans pulled back and started paying attention to this war, it would become even less popular," a senior adviser to McChrystal says. Such realism, however, doesn't prevent advocates of counterinsurgency from dreaming big: Instead of beginning to withdraw troops next year, as Obama promised, the military hopes to ramp up its counterinsurgency campaign even further. "There's a possibility we could ask for another surge of U.S. forces next summer if we see success here," a senior military official in Kabul tells me.

    Back in Afghanistan, less than a month after the White House meeting with Karzai and all the talk of "progress," McChrystal is hit by the biggest blow to his vision of counterinsurgency. Since last year, the Pentagon had been planning to launch a major military operation this summer in Kandahar, the country's second-largest city and the Taliban's original home base. It was supposed to be a decisive turning point in the war – the primary reason for the troop surge that McChrystal wrested from Obama late last year. But on June 10th, acknowledging that the military still needs to lay more groundwork, the general announced that he is postponing the offensive until the fall. Rather than one big battle, like Fallujah or Ramadi, U.S. troops will implement what McChrystal calls a "rising tide of security." The Afghan police and army will enter Kandahar to attempt to seize control of neighborhoods, while the U.S. pours $90 million of aid into the city to win over the civilian population.

    Even proponents of counterinsurgency are hard-pressed to explain the new plan. "This isn't a classic operation," says a U.S. military official. "It's not going to be Black Hawk Down. There aren't going to be doors kicked in." Other U.S. officials insist that doors are going to be kicked in, but that it's going to be a kinder, gentler offensive than the disaster in Marja. "The Taliban have a jackboot on the city," says a military official. "We have to remove them, but we have to do it in a way that doesn't alienate the population." When Vice President Biden was briefed on the new plan in the Oval Office, insiders say he was shocked to see how much it mirrored the more gradual plan of counterterrorism that he advocated last fall. "This looks like CT-plus!" he said, according to U.S. officials familiar with the meeting.

    Whatever the nature of the new plan, the delay underscores the fundamental flaws of counterinsurgency. After nine years of war, the Taliban simply remains too strongly entrenched for the U.S. military to openly attack. The very people that COIN seeks to win over – the Afghan people – do not want us there. Our supposed ally, President Karzai, used his influence to delay the offensive, and the massive influx of aid championed by McChrystal is likely only to make things worse. "Throwing money at the problem exacerbates the problem," says Andrew Wilder, an expert at Tufts University who has studied the effect of aid in southern Afghanistan. "A tsunami of cash fuels corruption, delegitimizes the government and creates an environment where we're picking winners and losers" – a process that fuels resentment and hostility among the civilian population. So far, counterinsurgency has succeeded only in creating a never-ending demand for the primary product supplied by the military: perpetual war. There is a reason that President Obama studiously avoids using the word "victory" when he talks about Afghanistan. Winning, it would seem, is not really possible. Not even with Stanley McChrystal in charge.

    This article originally appeared in RS 1108/1109 from July 8-22, 2010.
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    Default Re: McChrystal Out, Patraeus In

    I know for a FACT that many people who are opinionated about this HAVEN'T READ THE FUCKING ARTICLE!

    Why? Because I'll quote one thing.....

    A young man told me that the General stated "He is intimidated of me".

    The General didn't SAY that, in fact HE didn't say ANYTHING. Here's the quote from the article that was quoted to me....

    Their first one-on-one meeting took place in the Oval Office four months later, after McChrystal got the Afghanistan job, and it didn't go much better. "It was a 10-minute photo op," says an adviser to McChrystal. "Obama clearly didn't know anything about him, who he was. Here's the guy who's going to run his fucking war, but he didn't seem very engaged. The Boss was pretty disappointed."
    The person who made the statement is a Liberal. Thus, the media has spun this very distinctly.

    However, to do this type of interview and talk about the sitting President is beyond the pale. McChrystal is gone, and it's a good thing.
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    Default Re: McChrystal Out, Patraeus In

    I still find it amazing that Rolling Stone Magazine was able to take down an acting General presiding over an ongoing war in Afghanistan.


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    Default Re: McChrystal Out, Patraeus In


    by John Galt

    June 23, 2010


    Yesterday the largest challenge to President Barrack Hussein Obama’s leadership was exposed by none other than the leftist magazine Rolling Stone in an article titled “The Runaway General” a frank and honestly brutal interview and exchange of comments between an embedded reporter, Michael Hastings, and General Stanley McChrystal the top commander for the United States in Afghanistan. The language is salty, the ideas expressed appear to be the honest feelings of officers in the field about the nightmare career bureaucrats hiding behind desks in D.C. instead of mud walls in Kandahar. The reality will never actually be known about this situation until McChrystal is freed from his military duties and allowed to speak freely yet I think the truth, which has been speculated about wildly in the past twenty-four hours, is a fleeting interpretation of political propaganda rather than interpretation of real facts.

    I wish to add my speculation to this debate. First, I’ve never met this man so I can not see into his heart, mind, or ideals. I can speculate from a historian’s perspective and the experiences of one of my distant relatives who served as an aide to General Douglas MacArthur in Australia and the Philippines, and using what I have learned in my study of history I think might provide an alternative perspective.

    When MacArthur finally had the resources necessary to destroy the Communist North Koreans and end the war on the peninsula once and for all he wanted to take the war right up to the Chinese border and eradicate any remnants of the North Korea forces because he knew full well that they would operate as a guerrilla force behind the lines of a new united Korean nation and wanted to insure no possibility of the Chinese Communists to create problems in the future and help to guarantee a protective shield for the newly born Japanese nation as it rebuilds. This was shattered when the Soviets gambled and agreed to support a Chinese invasion of Korea, changing the paradigm and the war planning forever. As an end consequence, a President who was fearful of the idea of using American military supremacy to isolate and destroy the Communist menace in Eastern Asia for at least a decade forward allowed his political cowardice to over ride the practical advice offered by Generals like MacArthur and end in the end firing a potential political opponent instead of pushing the communist menace back into the box where it belonged.

    Fast forward some fifty plus years today. The prior administration initiated the war in Afghanistan but listened to the bureaucrats and not the generals. The WalMart War, a planning scheme which depended on the ideas of low casualty, low impact, low cost battle plans instead of a full effort to eradicate all opposition in that nation once and for all has resulted in a half hearted un-winnable strategy where it is no longer an aggressive war but a “police action” of containment which in fact is a war of attrition; something the Russians failed at, the British failed at, Alexander the Great failed at, and now we are failing at.

    McChrystal and his predecessors have been given two deuces and told that they have to bluff against opponents who all hold royal flushes or straight flushes to win. The military is not being given the free reign necessary to execute a war properly, the bureaucracy mindset established during the Vietnam War era is still the war planning model, and apparently even tactical operational implementation is impossible without political oversight. The formula for winning the war is obvious to most military men but the yellow streak in the nation’s capital insures that they will not be allowed to do so again.

    Thus why I think McChrystal, who ultimately had permission to edit or even allow this article to be published, decided to say, “Je ne suis pas Henri.”

    He knows the disaster that awaits our soldiers and wanted no part of it. He knows that Obama’s insistence on withdrawal is setting up one epic disaster which will be another black mark in American military history.

    Sadly, I think he knows just how close such a disaster has come already and is trying to do all he can to avoid it under his command so his soldier’s lives are not wasted to keep the political class looking fat, sassy, and comfortable as well as popular.

    Thus why he does not want to be remembered as America’s Henri Navarre. The French General responsible for the disaster at Dien Bien Phu. Thus why I think General McChrystal is stating via this interview:


    “I am not Henri.”

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    Default Re: McChrystal Out, Patraeus In

    Ok.. I'm glad someone else said it.

    I'm glad he is GONE because I don't think he deserves the BLAME for the crap going on.

    The buck stops with the President of the United States, Barack Obama.

    There I said it now.

    (Man I feel better... )
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    Default Re: McChrystal Out, Patraeus In

    Barack Obama's warning after General Stanley McChrystal rolled

    Brad Norington, Washington correspondent
    From: The Australian

    June 25, 2010 12:00AM


    Barack Obama leads David Petraeus and Robert Gates to announce the resignation of General Stanley McChrystal.

    Source: The Australian

    BARACK Obama has warned he will not tolerate dissent over management of the Afghan war.

    Obama has handed control of the conflict to the US general who rescued the military operation in Iraq for George W. Bush.

    The President yesterday appointed General David Petraeus as commander of US and allied forces in Afghanistan, determined to ensure a smooth transition after sacking General Stanley McChrystal.

    The command for General Petraeus is the second time he has come to the aid of a president confronting a difficult, unpopular war after he led the successful Iraq surge in 2007.

    The general will leave his post as head of US Central Command, responsible for Iraq and Afghanistan, to concentrate on the war Mr Obama regards as a priority for US security in the battle against al-Qa'ida terrorism.

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    Mr Obama's warning against infighting came during a meeting of his war cabinet at the White House that followed his sacking of General McChrystal over disparaging comments about senior administration figures.

    According to reports from senior officials, the President accepted that tensions would arise because the conflict was hard but he could not accept "pettiness".

    Mr Obama accepted General McChrystal's resignation at an earlier private meeting after recalling him from Afghanistan over the comments made in a Rolling Stone magazine interview.

    Explaining the sacking publicly, Mr Obama said he had made the right decision in the interests of national security. "The conduct represented in the article does not meet the standard that should be set by a commanding general," Mr Obama said.

    "It undermines the civilian control of the military that is at the core of our democratic system. And it erodes the trust that's necessary for our team to achieve our objectives in Afghanistan."

    Mr Obama said the time had come for "all of us" to come together. "I welcome debate among my team, but I won't tolerate division," he said.

    The appointment of General Petraeus as commander of US and NATO forces in Afghanistan is a demotion after he had been General McChrystal's immediate superior and risen above the role of leading the battle in the field.

    But Mr Obama linked the Petraeus appointment to his suitability for the role, drawing on his intimate knowledge of the counter-insurgency strategy used in the conflict and experience in the region. "This is a change in personnel but it is not a change in policy," he said.

    General McChrystal's position became untenable after he insulted members of the President's war cabinet, including Vice-President Joe Biden, White House envoy to Pakistan Richard Holbrooke and US ambassador to Afghanistan Karl Eikenberry.

    Members of General McChrystal's staff said their boss had failed to connect with Mr Obama from when he was appointed a year ago. The general's staff also called Mr Obama's National Security Adviser, James Jones, a "clown" and said their boss considered Mr Holbrooke a "wounded animal".

    Three senior US senators yesterday urged Mr Obama to take the opportunity of a shake-up at the top of the military command in Afghanistan to overhaul personnel in his "dysfunctional" civilian team as well.

    Republicans John McCain and Lindsey Graham and independent Joe Lieberman criticised General McChrystal's behaviour as unacceptable, but said the civilian relationship with Afghan President Hamid Karzai needed repair.

    "If we don't change quickly, we're going to lose a war we can't afford to lose," Senator Graham said.

    Senator McCain suggested bringing back Ryan Crocker, a former US ambassador to Iraq, to work with General Petraeus in Kabul.
    Senator Lieberman said unity was missing in the military-civilian relationship to prosecute the war.

    Mr Obama said he had a duty to ensure that no diversion complicated the vital mission being carried out in Afghanistan.

    Referring to General McChrystal's behaviour, he said: "That includes adherence to a strict code of conduct. The strength and greatness of our military is rooted in the fact that this code applies equally to newly enlisted privates and to the general officer who commands them."

    General Petraeus, 57, is known for his personal fitness but had treatment last year for prostate cancer. He claims to be cured.

    Last week during questioning from Senator McCain during a congressional hearing on the Afghan war, General Petraeus collapsed in his chair.

    He explained later that he was dehydrated.

    The Petraeus appointment has significance for Australia and its troop commitment of 1550 soldiers in Afghanistan.

    On Wednesday, Defence Minister John Faulkner signalled that Australian troops could leave Afghanistan as soon as 2012.

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    Default Re: McChrystal Out, Patraeus In

    Was listening to Savage yesterday on the way home about this subject; it was blistering!!!


    Here's the broadcast.

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    Default Re: McChrystal Out, Patraeus In

    Revealed: McChrystal Banned Fox News From His Headquarters
    June 24, 2010

    Now that Gen. McChrystal is officially out and Gen. Petraeus has taken the reins, juicy little tidbits (that, to be honest, might not have otherwise interested prior to the Rolling Stone piece) about McChrystal are making the blogosphere rounds.

    Buried in a longish post by Marc Ambinder about the aftermath of the McChrystal removal was this little morsel: McChrystal apparently was not a fan of Fox News.

    Now it can be told. The story about him voting for Obama is not contrived. He is a political liberal. He is a social liberal. He banned Fox News from the television sets in his headquarters. Yes, really. This serves to put to rest another false rumor: that McChrystal deliberately precipitated his firing because he wants to run for President.

    No word on what he watched instead.

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    Default Re: McChrystal Out, Patraeus In

    The Left hate the Military and everything American.

    If the General thought the Left would see past his uniform he was sorely mistaken.

    He should have studied the 45 Communist Goals and those who follow Saul Alinsky.

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    Default Re: McChrystal Out, Patraeus In

    Taliban Commanders Hail McChrystal Firing as a Victory

    Leaders Say Leadership Change Gives Taliban More Time in Their Fight Against U.S.

    42 comments


    By MUSHTAQ YUSUFZAI


    The Daily Beast


    June 25, 2010


    General Stanley McChrystal, right, sits aboard a helicopter after a lengthy conference meeting
    with military officials in this Oct. 7, 2009 file photo at Forward Operating Base Walton, outside of
    Kandahar, Afghanistan. As President Obama relieved McChrystal of his command, Taliban
    commanders watched events unfold from afar, and then declared that this was yet another
    victory.
    (Paula Bronstein/Getty Images)


    The Afghan Taliban has a saying: "Americans may own the watches. But we've got the time."

    As President Obamasacked Gen. Stanley McChrystal this week, replacing him with Gen. David Petraeus, Taliban commanders watched events unfold from afar, and then declared that this was yet another victory.


    The change of leadership, they said, gives them even more time in their fight against U.S. forces. Ahmadullah Ahmadi, a Taliban spokesman, said that sending Gen. McChrystal home in the middle of the war, in such a inglorious way, was good news as it proved how troubled and divided the U.S. political and military leadership had become.

    "Before Gen. McChrystal, many strong military generals suffered defeat," in Afghanistan, Ahmadi said. "The Americans know that Afghanistan is the 'graveyard of empires.' But even so, they invaded this country."


    Senior Afghan Taliban commander Sirajuddin
    Haqqani said he and his men had been informed as soon as the story about McChrystal broke.

    When Haqqani heard about the disparaging comments that McChrystal had made, he knew straight away that the American commander in Afghanistan was in trouble, and would get fired.

    "I was sure he'd have to face the consequences," Haqqani said by phone from an undisclosed location. That kind of insubordination, he said, "would have extreme negative impacts on U.S. and NATO troops in the field."


    Haqqani was pleased with what he saw as disarray among the team of American top military brass and diplomats in Afghanistan, and said that it proved that the Afghan war had frustrated and divided the Obama administration and the military leadership.


    "After the American invasion, my father… said that Afghanistan would become another Vietnam for the U.S. which is now gradually proving to be true," said the militant commander. Most Taliban fighters stay in the mountains, away from cities and towns, and keep themselves informed about what's going on in America and elsewhere by listening to the radio—mostly Pashto services of the BBC or Voice of America's Azadi Radio.


    Haqqani, who has a $5 million bounty on his head, is the eldest son of veteran Afghan
    Taliban leader, Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani, leader of the Haqqani network, a strong Taliban faction operating both in the capital and the province of Waziristan. And given his high profile, the commander never carries a radio or any other kind of electronic gadgets for fear of surveillance and assassination. Instead, he gets all his information verbally from underlings charged with following the news.

    "We have a…media section whose job it is to monitor national and international media outlets," he said.

    Recent stories in the
    New York Times about valuable mineral deposits in the country had only helped the Taliban cause, he said.

    "There is huge difference between the early years of invasion and present time," he said. "Earlier, the Afghan people were reluctant to give us shelter. But now they realize that the U.S. invaded their country under the pretext of terrorism whereas in fact they wanted to loot precious minerals."

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    Default Re: McChrystal Out, Patraeus In

    Quote Originally Posted by vector7 View Post
    Was listening to Savage yesterday on the way home about this subject; it was blistering!!!


    Here's the broadcast.
    Savage really hits the nail on the head. Won't be surprised if his views are deemed Terrorist propaganda by this thin skin high school level president and criminal Liberal agenda.
    Ab Urbe Condita 2761

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    Default Re: McChrystal Out, Patraeus In

    This was STILL a demotion for Paetreaus
    Libertatem Prius!


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    Default Re: McChrystal Out, Patraeus In

    Quote Originally Posted by michael2 View Post
    Gen. Petraeus will be the next President of the United States.
    Not a chance.

    While he might make a decent President - and is certainly a hero in his own right, he will go the way of Swarzkofpt and whats-his-name.. ummm oh, yeah the missing-in-action Colin Powell (someone for whom I would have voted). He will fade into nothingness for a time.

    He won't be the NEXT President.
    Libertatem Prius!


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    Default Re: McChrystal Out, Patraeus In

    POSTED: April 11, 9:35 AM ET | By Julian Brookes

    Stanley McChrystal, the Runaway General, is Back


    Brendan Smialowski/Getty
    Share

    Gen. Stanley A. McChrystal, who was fired from his job as top U.S. commander in Afghanistan after a Rolling Stone profile quoted his aides talking trash about civilian leaders, is back, the New York Times reports today. The Obama administration has invited him to helm a "high profile" initiative in support of military families.

    Here's a telling snippet from the July 2010 profile, by Michael Hastings.
    Even though he had voted for Obama, McChrystal and his new commander in chief failed from the outset to connect. The general first encountered Obama a week after he took office, when the president met with a dozen senior military officials in a room at the Pentagon known as the Tank. According to sources familiar with the meeting, McChrystal thought Obama looked "uncomfortable and intimidated" by the roomful of military brass. Their first one-on-one meeting took place in the Oval Office four months later, after McChrystal got the Afghanistan job, and it didn't go much better. "It was a 10-minute photo op," says an adviser to McChrystal. "Obama clearly didn't know anything about him, who he was. Here's the guy who's going to run his fucking war, but he didn't seem very engaged. The Boss was pretty disappointed."
    Fired general to head White House panel



    Reuters 1:43 p.m. CDT, April 11, 2011

    sns-rt-politics-us-usa-mcctre

    WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The former top U.S. general in Afghanistan, who was fired when he enraged the White House by disparaging the Obama administration in a magazine article, is coming back to head a new advisory board to support military families.

    A White House spokesman said on Monday retired General Stanley McChrystal would lead the three-member panel overseeing the "Joining Forces" program, led by first lady Michelle Obama and Jill Biden, wife of Vice President Joe Biden.

    "General McChrystal has been asked to and accepted the job of leading the advisory panel that will oversee this effort," White House spokesman Jay Carney said.

    President Barack Obama dismissed McChrystal in June after the U.S. Army general and his aides enraged the White House by disparaging Biden and other top civilian advisers in an article for Rolling Stone magazine.

    Michelle Obama and Jill Biden will launch a national initiative to support U.S. troops and their families on Tuesday at the White House. The two will then embark on a two-day national tour to highlight the effort.

    (Reporting by Patricia Zengerle; editing by Mohammad Zargham)

    ------------------------------------------------------------

    Report: McChrystal Tapped By White House For Military Families Initiative


    Justin Duckham | Monday, April 11, 2011 at 11:29AM | Share Article | Email Article | Print Article

    The White House has selected retired General Stanley McChrystal to oversee the administration’s military families initiative, according to the AP, despite the former Afghan commander’s troubled relationship with the administration.

    Last June, McChrystal was relieved of his position in Afghanistan after a story in Rolling Stone magazine featured brazen comments from McChrystal and his staff criticizing various White House officials, including Vice President Joe Biden. McChrystal retired in the aftermath and was replaced by then-Centcom Commander General David Petraeus.

    The White House initiative, announced at the beginning of the year, is an administration-wide effort to ease military families’ economic challenges and retain servicemembers. It has been spearheaded by First Lady Michelle Obama and Second Lady Dr. Jill Biden.

    The oversight panel for the initiative will reportedly feature two other members. An official announcement for McChrystal’s appointment is expected Wednesday.

    Following his retirement, McChrystal, a four-star General, accepted a position at Yale University, where he teaches a graduate course on leadership.

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